Может ли президент Казахстана Касым-Жомарт Токаев принести мир Палестине и Израилю?
The successive stages of the preparation of a Palestinian-Israeli peaceful co-habitation plan
Последовательные этапы подготовки палестино-израильского плана мирного сосуществования
Содержание
Введение
I. Палестина-Израиль: 10 пунктов общей оценки фактов прошлого и настоящего
II. Палестина-Израиль: 10 пунктов общего восприятия скрытых опасностей
III. Палестина-Израиль: 10 пунктов базового соглашения по сектору Газа
IV. Палестина-Израиль: 10 пунктов базового соглашения по Западному Берегу
V. Десять сильных сторон, которые дают Казахстану возможность добиться единственно эффективного мирного разрешения палестино-израильского конфликта
VI. Десять столпов подхода Казахстана к разрешению палестино-израильского конфликта
VII. Десять этапов плана Казахстана по прекращению палестино-израильского конфликта – резюме и диаграмма
Основные ссылки / ориентиры, по которым в конечном итоге можно будет проконсультироваться:
Contents
Introduction
I. Palestine-Israel: 10 points of common evaluation of past and present facts
II. Palestine-Israel: 10 points of shared perception of the lurking dangers
III. Palestine-Israel: 10 points of a basic agreement on Gaza Strip
IV. Palestine-Israel: 10 points of a basic agreement on West Bank
V. Ten strengths that empower Kazakhstan to bring about the only effective peaceful resolution of the Palestine-Israel conflict
VI. Ten pillars of Kazakhstan’s approach to the resolution of the Palestine-Israel conflict
VII. Ten stages of Kazakhstan’s plan to terminate the Palestine-Israel conflict – recapitulation and diagram
Basic links/points of reference to eventually consult:
Introduction
The historical depth of the Palestine-Israel conflict is abysmal; it is lost in millennia and in human acts and stories that can be misinterpreted, concealed or forgotten. However, the practical impact of this conflict is already abhorrent, and chances are that it becomes fatal for all.
Observing the astonishment of people across the Earth and monitoring the reaction of governments to the recent developments, one can easily conclude that the force of vision and the drive of life have abandoned the humans. There is a phenomenal dearth of creative imagination and an enormous lack of drastic decision to put an end to an endlessly deteriorating trouble.
Although nothing guarantees the victory of one side over the other, the passive observers and the naïve narrators of the new, exasperating stage that the conflict took seem to be impotent witnesses and therefore unwilling accomplices in a human calamity that can turn far worse for all.
Brainlessly, pathetically, and deplorably, different governments, organizations, groups of countries, mass media, and -worst of all- independent scholars, specialists, and intellectuals find the occasion propitious to reiterate their preferences, choices, desires and ideas, which are -all- the invariable reasons of the trouble, and of its deterioration. People fail to understand that, before they speak about the problem, they have created it, due to their own inaccurate thoughts, misperceptions, biases, prejudices, errors, oversights, omissions and calamitous acts.
Before taking position and prior to siding with one or the other part of the conflict (which is the case of most people and governments), all the participants of the trouble and all the external commentators and intricate analysts fail to realize that they are part of the problem, they contributed to it and to its misperception, and they failed to take the necessary distance to see things from far in order to thus better assess the reality and identify innovative approaches and inventive solutions, which could reduce the incommensurable collateral damages that constitute the Palestine-Israel conflict’s worst aspect.
Is it possible for Kazakhstan, a historical nation that always managed to maintain the balance of power between the Dzungar Mongolians, the Chinese, the Russians and the Uzbeks, and for President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, a career diplomat and a consummate statesman, to help resolve the Palestinian-Israeli problem now that it takes a most menacing appearance?
Many people do not know that in the past President Tokayev served as Under Secretary-General, Director-General of the United Nations Office at Geneva and Personal Representative of the United Nations Secretary-General to the Conference on Disarmament (2011-2018). Apparently, this is an indication that he may be successful in areas where others failed or were simply discredited.
Is it possible to find a solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict?
The answer to this question hinges on the balance one can establish between perception, knowledge and understanding of the problem from one side and realistic evaluation of the potential formula to resolve the problem once for all from the other side. Irrespective of the burden of the past, regardless of the vested interests to pull strings, and in spite of calamitous choices or unrealistic dreams that the main actors of the conflict may still harbor in their befuddled heads, there is always a way to make sense, a ground to meet reciprocal needs, a point to agree on, and an inherent ability to comprehend the vicinity of the disaster.
In order to find a reciprocally beneficial exit from the Palestine-Israel quagmire, one should first help the main factors of the problem (i.e. the two sides of the conflict) shape a common evaluation of the past and present facts, a shared perception of the lurking dangers, and a basic agreement on steps to make mutually.
I. Palestine-Israel: 10 points of common evaluation of past and present facts
Referring to ‘past and present facts’, I mean the period of the last 30 years that passed after the signature of the Oslo Accords (13 September 1993); it is essential to note that the recent terrorist attack undertaken by Hamas did indeed take place less than a month after the 30th anniversary of the Oslo I Accord. Major facts about which Israelis and Palestinians should form a common evaluation are the following:
1- the non-implementation of the Oslo Accords, the weakening of the authority of the Palestinian Authority, and the harsh treatment of ordinary Palestinians were entirely counter-productive and disastrous for both, Palestine and Israel;
2- the deliberate discrediting of the Palestinian Authority was a disastrous choice;
3- the support and/or promotion of Hamas was a calamitous decision;
4- the imprisonment of militants and politicians (like Marwan Barghouti), who would prevent Hamas from gaining support among Palestinians, was catastrophic;
MarwanBarghouti, a popular Palestinian leader, gestures as Israeli police bring him into the District Court for his judgment hearing in Tel Aviv May 20, 2004
5- the conviction of the Israeli governments and the Israeli people that the policies implemented and the attitudes expressed with respect to the Palestinians were correct proved to be entirely wrong;
6- every step toward a solution of the conflict must be made within the context of the International Law, with the support and the guarantee of the international body, in accordance with the Oslo Accords, and as continuation of the expectations created because of the said agreements;
7- every future negotiation between Israelis and Palestinians has to be carried out in appreciation of the overwhelming changes that took place worldwide over the past 30 years;
8- the nominal and the real support offered to Israel by its so-called ‘friends’ and ‘allies’ did not finally help the Jewish state to achieve safety, security, peace and non-aggression from the part of its declared enemies;
9- consequently, the new agreements must be signed by sincere and committed statesmen and representatives ready to accept an entirely different international context within which to successfully position the new, final and permanent agreement;
10- there cannot be any Israeli military victory over Hamas; the Israeli statesmen, who believe in or diffuse this delusion, must step aside.
First, material destruction does not provide moral victory and social peace.
Second, more innocent Palestinian victims die in Gaza, smaller the chances of a new agreement become.
Third, after a deep and long Israeli involvement in Gaza and following extraordinary bloodshed, terrible destruction of the material infrastructure, and unprecedented casualties for the Israeli army, the Israeli government will finally realize that, the top leadership of Hamas has escaped and -even worse- that there will then be even more Palestinians ready to fight (not for Palestine anymore but) for Hamas. At that very moment, the majority of the Israelis will start abandoning the country (Yerida), being absolutely sure of its inevitable unviability.
Is it necessary to reach that level in order to understand?
Most probably, not!
Instead, a national unity government in Israel now will help the country prepare for the necessary negotiations.
II. Palestine-Israel: 10 points of shared perception of the lurking dangers
It is now essential that both parts of the conflict shared the same perception of the existing, very serious, dangers that exist for both nations; they are as per below:
1- the Israeli government must assess very seriously the position in which it found itself, when the terrorist attacks of 7th October 2023 forced Israelis to understand the down-to-earth reality that surrounds them. In fact, Israel is not only entrapped in a situation that forces the local government to perpetrate a repugnant butchery in revenge of an unspeakable slaughter. The Jewish state is subtly pushed -in a most dexterous manner- to demonstrate incomparable cynicism, atrocious rage, and foremost inhumanity while appearing as the avenger of a monstrous crime. In other words, the sophisticated machination was geared in order to induce Israel to act in an impermissible manner, which deprives similarly acting states from any right to exist.
2- Israel’s hidden enemies, all those organizations and governments that guide the puppet states of Qatar, Iran and Turkey, expect the Israeli government to do exactly what most of the Israelis find as a logical and rightful response to the massacre perpetrated before 24 days. The lurking danger is that Israel, reacting in the way many Israelis and Jews at large desire, achieves nothing else than a high degree of self-deprecatory action, which would entirely discredit the Jewish state, thus irreparably damaging bilateral relations and international presence.
3- associated to the aforementioned situations is the risk of Israel taking distance from the international common sense and appearing as markedly distinct from the other nations in the evaluation of typical situations that occur worldwide; quite unfortunately, massacres and genocides do happen, either they become known and they are denounced or not. Consequently, the Hamas terrorist attack, albeit surely abhorrent, is not a unique case.
As it happens in similar circumstances, there is always discussion as to whether the attacks were triggered by earlier developments; it is only normal for humans to try to identify every time the beginning of the circle of violence. Were the Hamas attacks provoked by some reason? Were they unprovoked? These points were reflected in the UN Secretary-General António Guterres’ remarks to the Security Council on the Middle East (“It is important to also recognize the attacks by Hamas did not happen in a vacuum.”) This sentence prompted the rage of the Israeli representative, but … are there truly “unprovoked” attacks?
4- the risks of Israel carrying out a mass murder in retaliation (no 1), discrediting itself (no 2), and looking distinct from the rest of the world (no 3) are not the only; sparring with the UN Secretary-General (or demanding that he quits, etc.) only plays into the game of Israel’s worst enemies who meticulously work in order to generate the image of a Jewish state totally isolated and cut off from the rest of the world. ‘The castaway’ is certainly not the model that Jews all over the world really intend to present as that of their state.
5- one of the worst dangers that can be produced due to the present explosive situation is the extreme radicalization of the Palestinians and the subsequent inability of the Palestinian Authority to negotiate with any Israeli representative. Israel does not have the power to throw all the Palestinians out of Palestine; it is therefore essential that all Israeli statesmen, parliamentarians, politicians, rabbis, academics, journalists and average people have no delusions in this regard. On the contrary, they must do their ingenious best to maintain the dialogue and to select among the Palestinians the most sound, balanced, reasonable and unbiased interlocutors.
6- trying to dissociate Hamas from the average Palestinians is a murky terrain and a foolish attempt; for instance, the speech that the Israeli Permanent Representative to the UN, ambassador Gilad Erdan, addressed to his counterparts started with the expression of the concept that Israel is not at war with all the Palestinian people, but “with the genocidal Jihadist Hamas terror organization”; however, only few minutes later, the rather confused speaker stated that the Palestinian people in Gaza were enthusiastically participating in, and fully rejoicing with, the spectacle that Hamas organized in the streets of Gaza with all the Israeli -maltreated- parading hostages (from 05:15 to 05:30: Israeli ambassador to the UN addresses General Assembly
7- the dangers ensuing from the already started military operation in Gaza are considerable. This is perhaps subconsciously admitted by senior Israeli officials, who seem -these days- unable to understand what they are saying. The following is a statement made by the Israeli Defense Forces in the social media:
“Hamas’ terrorist headquarters under the Shifa hospital is draining the necessities—fuel, oxygen, water and electricity—from the Gazans and staff and using them for terrorism” https://twitter.com/IDF/status/1718203005231665657
My personal comment –response was the following:
“You just published the full proof of why such war is futile. You cannot win or you will win with an extremely high record of casualties; and then you will realize that the bulk of Hamas escaped and remains intact outside Palestine”.
The peril that Israelis kill an extremely high number of Palestinians without bringing substantive results is great; the menace of Israelis having thousands of dead in the military operations that they started undertaking in Gaza is real. And the danger of IDF causing indescribable destruction to Gaza and dreadful casualties in Israel without really exterminating Hamas is evident.
8- the perspective that the ongoing military operations will radicalize hundreds of millions of people in Asia, Africa and Europe is clearly visible; furthermore, the chances of turning moderate and reasonable governments to extremist and hostile administrations are high; even worse, the possibility that temperate statesmen are overthrown and then chaos prevails in several countries located in the wider region is strong.
The eventuality of a regional ordeal and the likelihood of the formation of a great number of actively anti-Israeli states from Algeria to Pakistan and from Kazakhstan to Tanzania cannot be possibly the wish of an Israeli government; only fanatic guys and paranoid plotters would be happy with the perspective of a generalized war between Israel and 15-20 countries situated between the Atlantic and China.
9- the probability that the worst enemies of Israel have framed the appalling recent developments and have entrapped the Jewish state in order to generate a frontal war between Tel Aviv and the Muslim World cannot be disregarded. After properly examining this scenario, the diverse Israeli statesmen, military, intelligence agents, diplomats, and other administrators will have to conclude that, in spite of all the guarantees that they may have got from potential friends and various allies, nothing can possibly justify a contemptuous downturn to nuclear war. There cannot be Israeli statesmen whose actions will ultimately ‘prove’ that the so-called ‘Albert Pike letter to Mazzini’ may be something more than a conspiracy theory. Consequently, an eventual massive confrontation with the Islamic world cannot be an option for any Israeli government.
10- while all the warring parts normally wish to attain victory, it is necessary for all wise statesmen and administrators to always examine every possible option, even that of a defeat. By all accounts, the effort to avert a downfall -by means of timely negotiations and constructive time schedules- is always to be praised at the end.
III. Palestine-Israel: 10 points of a basic agreement on Gaza Strip
The following steps are conditio sine qua non for the establishment of a free, independent, peaceful, and dignified society in the Gaza Strip:
1- the Palestinians and the Israelis have to agree on the permanent solution of the enduring conflict, advancing on the ‘land for peace’ approach (namely the UN Security Council Resolution 242). Palestinians shall have their land (West Bank and Gaza, linked by a highway bridge for cars, buses, long-vehicles, and trains) and Israelis shall have peace in their land – unquestionably, unwaveringly, and permanently.
2- the Palestinian state shall entrust the security of the national borders to a force set up by the UN and Israel; the internal security in Palestine will be the task of a statutory body, which shall be organized and trained by the respective Israeli organization, whereas it will be manned entirely by Palestinians.
3- within two years after the agreement is signed, the Israeli settlements in the West Bank shall be relocated to new agglomerations located in Israel. No Israeli settlement will be allowed in the West Bank and Gaza.
4- the entire population of Gaza shall be temporarily relocated for 3-4 years.
Rafah to Taba trench construction project
5- the border with Egypt from Rafah to Taba shall be entirely closed. An enormous Kazakh-Chinese-Indian-Israeli consortium of construction companies will be established and teams of Kazakh and Israeli workers will construct an enormous trench 100 m deep and 100 m wide, from coast to coast (Mediterranean Sea to Gulf of Aqaba: ca. 210 km). In this systematic manner, no subterranean passages between Egypt and Israel will be left undetected, unidentified and unblocked after the enormous construction project. It will be up to the Israelis whether they will later use the trench as an alternative passageway to the Suez Canal, duly completing the works for this purpose.
Gaza demolition project
6- the Israeli army, the Kazakh-Chinese-Indian-Israeli consortium, and additional teams of Kazakh and Israeli workers shall have two years to entirely demolish and remove all the existing structures on the surface of the earth and in the underground, without however destroying cultivated lands and fields for agricultural purposes. Every type of subterranean passages and structures will thus be totally eliminated. Only the historical buildings, churches and mosques will be spared.
Gaza reconstruction project
7- subsequently, a major project of Gaza reconstruction shall be undertaken by the Kazakh-Chinese-Indian-Israeli consortium, and the same teams of Kazakh and Israeli workers. Residential districts, roads and squares, hospitals, schools, municipality and administration buildings, universities and several research centers, shopping centers, malls, sports installations, cinemas and mosques, the harbor, train and bus stations, etc. shall be entirely reconstructed from scratch according to the provisions of a worldwide unprecedented project of urbanization.
8- following the partly completion of the Gaza reconstruction project, parts of Gaza Palestinian populations, which were temporarily relocated, shall return to their old-new homes. With the completion of the project, the totality of the local population will be accommodated in their new homes. Upon arrival, all Palestinians shall have to independently sign a text published by the Palestinian Authority, according to which they will publicly accept the existence of the state of Israel and the related agreements made by the Palestinian Authority.
9- the resumption of socio-economic, political, academic, educational and cultural life in the Gaza Strip shall be spearheaded by Kazakhstan, China and India; for this purpose, Kazakh, Chinese and Indian businessmen will enter in joint ventures will their Palestinian counterparts. Kazakh, Chinese and Indian administrators will help Gaza Palestinians better manage their affairs; Kazakh, Chinese and Indian doctors will man the new hospitals. Kazakh, Chinese and Indian universities shall offer advanced bilingual education (Arabic/Kazakh, Arabic/Russian, Arabic/Chinese, and Arabic/Urdu-Hindi respectively) to Palestinian students, thus setting the proper foundations of a Primary and Secondary Education totally free of Western impact.
10- the New Gaza Strip shall be an integral territory of the Palestinian state, which will be proclaimed in due course of time; it shall share common border with Israel, but not with Egypt. The Palestinian Basic Law will be used until the later elaboration and proclamation of a New Palestinian Constitution. Contacts with the West Bank will not be resumed immediately, taken into consideration the changes that the main part of the state of Palestine will have to undergo.
IV. Palestine-Israel: 10 points of a basic agreement on West Bank
Following the terrorist attacks of 7th October 2023, it would truly be inadequate and impertinent to believe that, by rectifying the chaos of Gaza, one can resolve the dire conditions of life, which prevail among all the Palestinians; yet, these conditions are the true reason of all the troubles, attacks, killings, and clashes. It is evident to all that the unrestrained deterioration of the situation in Gaza affected calamitously West Bank Palestinians.
1- due to the inability of the Palestinian Authority to cope with developments triggered by alien factors, religious extremism and Jihadist radicalization spread among West Bank Palestinians. This was utterly disastrous for both, Israelis and Palestinians. Because of this unfortunate development, if the aforementioned 10-point plan of basic agreement on Gaza Strip is materialized without a major change occurring in West Bank, the returning Palestinians, who will inhabit the New Gaza Strip, will inevitably be negatively impacted by West Bank Palestinian radicals.
2- on the other hand, it goes without saying that these two parts of the Palestinian national territory cannot be kept separated from one another; this means that, for the same security reasons for which the aforementioned plan (see above section III) was devised and implemented, another plan shall be also scheduled and carried out for the entire population of the West Bank. This will take another 3-4 years to be entirely accomplished.
3- after the return of the Gaza Palestinians is completed and following their final and peaceful settlement in the New Gaza Strip, the entire population of West Bank too shall be temporarily relocated for 3-4 years.
4- after the Israeli settlements in the West Bank will be evacuated, all the buildings and the overall urban infrastructure will be fully maintained, renovated, and renamed in order to be handed over to the West Bank Palestinians, when they will return after their temporary relocation.
5- Israeli army and scientific personnel shall undertake a comprehensive geotechnical and geophysical investigation, effectively using remote sensing techniques in order to thoroughly examine parts of the underground throughout the territory of the West Bank. This operation will make it sure that, once the Palestinian populations return, they will not find any structures that may enable smuggling, illegal activities, and warfare.
West Bank demolition project
6- As it was done in the case of Gaza, the Israeli army, the Kazakh-Chinese-Indian-Israeli consortium of construction companies, and the same teams of Kazakh and Israeli workers shall have two years to entirely demolish and remove all the existing structures on the surface of the earth, as well as those that may happen to be found in the underground. Only historical buildings, churches, mosques, museums and archeological sites will be spared. It goes without saying that cultivated lands and fields for agricultural purposes will not be damaged in any sense.
West Bank reconstruction project
7- similarly with what was carried out in Gaza, a project of West Bank reconstruction shall be undertaken by the Kazakh-Chinese-India-Israeli consortium, whereas properly renovated, the urban infrastructure of the Israeli settlements will be made available to West Bank Palestinians after they return from their temporary relocation. In addition, a highway bridge for cars, buses, long-vehicles, and trains shall link West Bank to Gaza whereas special underground tunnels may also be constructed for this purpose.
8- following the partly completion of the West Bank reconstruction project, parts of West Bank Palestinian populations, which were temporarily relocated, shall return to their old-new homes. With the completion of the project, the totality of the local population will finally return and they be accommodated in their new homes. Upon arrival, all Palestinians shall have to independently sign a text published by the Palestinian Authority, according to which they will publicly accept the existence of the state of Israel and the related agreements made by the Palestinian Authority.
9- as it may have already occurred in Gaza, the resumption of socio-economic, political, academic, educational and cultural life in the West Bank shall be actively spearheaded by Kazakhstan, China and India.
10- the New West Bank shall be an integral territory of the Palestinian State, which will be solemnly proclaimed after the completion of this project; it shall share common borders with Israel but not with Jordan, because a narrow strip 100 m wide will be delineated alongside the old borderline between West Bank and Jordan. This strip will belong to Israel, thus turning the Palestinian state into an enclave inside Israel; Israeli soldiers will be regularly patrolling there, but communication and transportation from and to Jordan will be made easy through Allenby/King Hussein border crossing. A similar scheme will then be devised for Gaza Strip/Egypt border passage. A New Palestinian Constitution will be passed by the Palestinian National Assembly, which will be elected by universal suffrage. Contact between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip will be resumed immediately.
V. Ten strengths that empower Kazakhstan to bring about the only effective peaceful resolution of the Palestine-Israel conflict
The following points reveal the widely unnoticed but real and remarkable strengths of Kazakhstan, which position the major Central Asiatic country at the epicenter of the international life and enable Astana to play the key role in the desperately needed pacification of the 75-year old conflict:
1- Kazakhstan is a major Muslim country, member-state of the Organization of the Islamic Cooperation; in this capacity, Astana can help enormously deflect the passions and divert the tensions caused throughout the Muslim World as regards Israel. This is a very crucial step, because it will prevent the ongoing war from becoming an open religious confrontation between Jews and Muslims across the Earth.
2- Kazakhstan is by far the largest Turkic nation with an area totaling 2725000 km2 and with an ideally central position between Western Turks (Turkey, Azerbaijan, Iraqi Turkmeneli, etc.) and Eastern Turanians (Uighurs, Buryatians, Mongolians Yakutians, etc.). It can therefore bring a balanced understanding of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict to all the Turkic people (Turanians) throughout Eurasia, diverting fanaticism and extremism. This would be a remarkable contribution to peace.
3- As a secular and multicultural state, Kazakhstan is well positioned to see things differently, unconventionally, and out-of-the-box. On this ability hinges the chance that the entire Mankind has to resolve the problem. In fact, for 200 years, Islam and Christianity coexisted peacefully in Kazakhstan and more recently, after the fall of the USSR, adepts of different religions have lived in concord and fraternity with local atheists and irreligious people.
4- Muslim country with a ca. 20 percent Christian Orthodox minority, Kazakhstan has been a land where Judaism thrived for centuries; Bukharan and Juhuro (or Mountain) Jews live nowadays in Kazakhstan, peacefully practicing their faith and straightforwardly participating in all aspects of the socio-professional, economic and political life. Thanks to these undeniable facts, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev is advantageously positioned to offer President Mahmoud Abbas and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu hindsight and forethought, alternative viewpoints, and hitherto unseen perspectives.
5- Founding member of the Shanghai Five (1996) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (2001), Kazakhstan is for Israel and Palestine the ideal ‘Gate to the East’. The same can be said about Kazakhstan’s participation in the Collective Security Treaty Organization, the Commonwealth of Independent States, and the Eurasian Economic Union. One should also extend this reference to approaches like ‘Connect Central Asia’ and initiatives like the ‘India-Central Asia Dialogue’, which bring Kazakhstan, the rest of Central Asia, and India closer. In other words, Kazakhstan, in striking contrast to almost any other country, is able to entirely de-contextualize the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, take it totally out of the nefarious limits of the Western World, and contextualize the problem within an entirely different environment in which hitherto unimagined possibilities and unsought alternatives are abundant.
6- Ninth largest country in the world in terms of area, Kazakhstan can effectively contribute to the resolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict not only at the level of diplomatic contacts, political negotiations, inventive considerations, resourceful approaches, and creative visions, but also during the consecutive stages that the resolution process will demand for several years. It is clear to all insiders that the 75-year old problem has become a most perplex issue involving contradictory views, opposite interests, conflicting demands, unjustified concerns, uncontrollable worries and total mistrust. Removing these obstacles is not an easy job for any diplomacy, for any proficient administration, and for any ingenious negotiator. Counterbalancing all the negative elements that have been accumulated over the past 7-8 decades will be a highly challenging task.
Still, the above mentioned thorny issues concern only the negotiation stages. But, brokering an agreement, addressing national security concerns, and satisfying demands of statehood and national independence, after all the evildoing that has occurred, involve massive relocation of populations, temporary residence in other lands, extensive demolition plans, vast construction projects, and -at the end- return of all the relocated populations.
Atop of all, one has to stress the need for a proper nation building process, which never occurred in the case of the Palestinians; the lack of this critical undertaking constituted a major reason for the misfortunate experience that Palestinians and Israelis shared together for decades, while being unable to solve the incessantly deteriorating problem.
However, it is not by coincidence that many Israeli statesmen, diplomats, analysts and academics repeatedly demand from Egypt to accept the relocation of the Gaza Palestinians to the sparsely populated Sinai Peninsula. It goes without saying that Cairo simply cannot accept this eventuality. President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi of Egypt was absolute right; it is not a matter of producing the necessary infrastructure or accommodating more than two million people or affording the exorbitant expenses for this enormous project or securing the necessary provisions or maintaining control among radicalized population. It is not even an issue of transporting populations to an arid land like North Sinai where Egypt has already and repeatedly faced serious security concerns due to the activities of Egyptian Islamists and terrorists.
The main problem, which would immediately arise after an eventual relocation of the Gazan population, is that, once in North Sinai, the deeply radicalized Palestinians will consider it necessary to take revenge on Israel for the atrocious and enduring treatment that the Jewish state applied to them. Then, they will certainly have the chance to contact numerous radicalized Egyptians among whom with great difficulty the al-Sisi administration managed to impose order, peace and calmness until now.
When the desperate, relocated Palestinians will express their secret desire to the Egyptians who lived -pretty much like their parents and grandparents- in an unprecedented paroxysm and in foremost hysteria against Israel, they will surely get from them the necessary tools, equipment, and weapons in order to attack Israel. An assault from the Egyptian side of the borders would soon transform the limited Israel-Gaza war into a generalized confrontation between Egypt and Israel, thus forcing the Arab League and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation to instinctively and unreservedly support Cairo.
Quite contrary to this infernal scenario, Kazakhstan -while leading the negotiations between Palestine and Israel- can temporarily accommodate the Gaza Palestinian populations in new cities, which can be constructed relatively fast with the help of a Kazakh-Chinese-Indian consortium that will be established on purpose.
7- Economically sound and solid, Kazakhstan -by establishing a major consortium of construction companies- will offer to China and India the chance to participate in the materialization of the forthcoming peace agreement between Israel and Palestine; in this manner, the two Asiatic superpowers will be actively brought to the forefront of international diplomacy, as they will be constructively involved in the world’s most enduring conflict.
Supporting Kazakhstan in the construction of the necessary urban infrastructure for the temporary relocation of the Gaza Palestinian populations, China and India will appear as the leading contributors to a major effort geared to bring peace in Israel-Palestine and as the principal sponsors of the most demanding projects involved in the successive stages of the agreement’s materialization.
Following the terms of an agreement signed by Palestine, Israel, and Kazakhstan, Astana can demarcate a piece of land in the southern confines of Aktobe Region and in the western fringes of Kyzylorda Region where to construct the infrastructure in which the temporarily relocated Gaza Palestinians will be accommodated; the same venue will be later used for the West Bank Palestinians. By strongly subsidizing the construction project and by facilitating the air transportation of the said populations, China and India will mark a major step in their transformation from leading regional powers to worldwide superpowers actively involved in the major conflict resolution.
8- Ostensibly located at the historical crossroads, which are known as the Silk Road, Kazakhstan can change World History due to a groundbreaking initiative to bring peace to Palestine and Israel entirely outside the context of the Western World. Duly relying on Central Asia’s historical background and the heritage of the Silk Roads, Kazakhstan can convincingly bring the Palestinians and the Israelis to the table of negotiations, brandishing the lure of future wealth, multicultural creativity, peaceful coexistence, and multilateral cooperation.
By reviving the multicultural environment that typified the Silk Roads, by re-introducing tolerance among religious faiths and cooperation between Palestinians and Israelis, and by offering SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organization) Dialogue Partner status to both, Israel and Palestine, immediately after the signature of the pacification, land reorganization and rehabilitation agreement, Kazakhstan, China and India fully confirm the far reaching potentialities that the Belt and Road Initiative (One Belt One Road) infrastructure development strategy can have.
9- As the focal Oriental and Eurasiatic land, Kazakhstan has not only the potential to offer conflict resolution, peaceful cohabitation, and viable cooperation to Palestinians and Israelis; it also has the capability to become the country of first choice for many Jews who currently face an increasingly hostile environment in EU and the US. This will only increase the country’s credibility as the mediator par excellence between Israelis and Palestinians, as well as Jews and Muslims.
10- Thanks to Astana’s strong alliance with Russia, China and India, three major superpowers of today’s world, and following a peaceful resolution of the Palestine-Israel conflict, Kazakhstan will apparently be in a position to launch a major debate within the Islamic world as regards the secular nature of the Islamic civilization and the nonpolitical role of the religion in the lives of people, thus helping Muslims from all the walks of life to emancipate from the darkness of the ignorant and radical imams who have deliberately confused religion with politics in order to extract material benefits, thus becoming the puppets of evil forces that spread enmity and killings.
First built in the 5th c. and rebuilt in the 12th c., the Church of Saint Porphyrius in Gaza, which belongs to the Patriarchate of Jerusalem, was attacked on 19th October 2023 during an Israeli air strike; the building was partly damaged and there were ca. 20 casualties.
VI. Ten pillars of Kazakhstan’s approach to the resolution of the Palestine-Israel conflict
Pillar 1- The Western World failed to resolve the Israel-Palestine Conflict
Since 1947 (more specifically: 29 November 1947) and the UN Palestine Partition Plan {also known as UN General Assembly Resolution 181 (II)}, the Palestinian-Israeli conflicts were mostly a Western affair; USSR (or, after 1991, Russia), China, India, Indonesia, Africa, and Latin America played only a markedly marginal role in the problem that was created with the said partition plan. This fact is at the origin of all problems, crimes, killings, and massacres that occurred in Palestine/Israel.
Beyond the normal regional involvement (namely that of Egypt, Libya, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Iran, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and Yemen), the developments that took place in Palestine were exclusively impacted by Western European and North American countries. This has the appearance of colonial interference and remotely exercised control; as such, it is overwhelmingly rejected by the vast majority of mankind.
Until 1956, Israel relied on France and England in order to fend off attacks from neighboring countries, which supported the Palestinians. After the disaster of 1956, Israel has been closely connected with the US. The ensued damage for the Jews and Israel was twofold; by creating the impression of a biased, partial, unilateral, and detrimental support uninterruptedly, unconditionally and unreservedly offered by the major Western countries to Israel, the Western countries deliberately generated a situation which galvanized the Palestinians, sensitized numerous Muslims within eschatological context, and garnered sympathy for Palestine across most of the world’s nations. If this concluded the case, one would eventually accept the development as positive, albeit vividly partial.
However, the unilateral support offered by the Western World did not bring peace, safety and security to Israel and to the Jews who find it necessary to settle there (the ‘Aliyah’); as we all know, this reality is greatly manifested these days. Suffice it to read brief texts published by Israeli scholars on this occasion; you can understand the extreme panic that they feel. Prof. Ayelet Gilboa’s ‘Hamas in Israel’ is a good example in this regard. But when the ‘Yerida’ (emigration from Israel) eclipses the Aliyah, the Marche Funèbre will sound, heralding the funeral arrangement for Israel. Then, all the people will realize that the Western support to Israel was fake, hypocritical and intentionally deceitful.
The irreversible truth is that the only thing Anglo-Saxons, Franks, and the Roman pseudo-popes intend to do to Jews and to Israelis is to eat them alive, incessantly highlighting their innocence in the matter. The sooner the Israelis and the Jews understand this fact, the better for them.
The Western World is not friendly to Israel; it is criminal, hypocritical and inimical. As it is well known, they produced innumerable genocides in America, Asia, Africa and Europe. The remake of the Holocaust will be at hand, if Israelis do not shut the door to US, UK and EU. There is only one condition for Israel to disintegrate: to continue believing the delusional concept of its alliance with the Western World. There is only one way for Israel and the World Jewry to effectively avoid the next Holocaust that secret orders, mystical societies, and major forces in Western Europe and North America prepare for them: they have to embrace the Orient where the Jews and the Ancient Hebrews have always lived, being integral part of the Ancient Oriental, Christian and Islamic worlds. Kazakhstan can make all this clear to Israeli leadership.
Pillar 2- At 75, Israel must emancipate and live like all the other nations, namely without protectors, biased supporters, and lethal allies.
The destructive device that the West has used to tarnish, corrupt and erode the Jewish state is precisely the unconditional support that the Western governments offer Israel. This makes the outright majority of the people worldwide hate that state; while systematically discrediting and effectively isolating Israel from the rest, the Western support appears to be always constant, generous and abundant. However, in spite of it all, Israel has always failed to truly eliminate the Palestinian problem; in true terms, the Jewish state has only exacerbated the thorny issue. One would have easily attributed it to an inherent self-destructive force, had one failed to identify the reason for this evildoing in the malignant forces of Western Europe and North America.
This absurd and sinister situation leads to only one conclusion: Israel does not have any Palestinian problem; quite contrarily, Israel has a Western problem. Everything will change astoundingly, if Israel gets rid of the nefarious impact of the West. When the Israeli government shows a sign that Israelis intend to live peacefully with their Palestinian neighbors without being the spoiled children of the West, the rest of the world will apparently demonstrate a different standpoint and attitude; then it will be possible for the major superpowers China, India and Russia to further advance the effort and initiate peace accords and normalization agreements with Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Iran, Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and Yemen. Israel will thus be saved.
Pillar 3- All security threats must be removed in peace prior to the final settlement
Kazakhstan shall fully demonstrate a deep understanding of Israel’s need for security and safety. All the nations have had their weak moments, but Israel now lives in the aftermath of an unusually painful experience, namely the 7th October 2023 attacks. The demand for invulnerability, impregnability, and unassailability is very strong. Therefore, for Israel every notion of settlement of the Palestinian problem means total elimination of the dangers. When it comes to the Gaza Strip, this means that the totality of the territory must be evacuated, the ruins explored, the underground traversed, the existing tunnels inspected, the structures destroyed, and the weapons removed. Consequently, it is inevitable that the entire territory of Gaza will have to be initially evacuated and totally demolished, before being fully reconstructed from scratch. Israeli soldiers and security forces will have to also inspect, scrupulously and meticulously, the return and the reinstallation of the Gaza populations, which have evidently to dwell for some time in another location.
These operations will certainly take about two years; during this period, while the Israeli military forces will be comprehensively screening the entire territory and the respective underground and effectively destroying all structures that have to be destroyed, the Palestinian population of Gaza must be treated in dignity, solidarity, compassion, empathy, fraternity, and humanity. That is why Kazakhstan shall take the initiative, positioning itself within the international community at the level in which the major Central Asiatic state’s strengths (see above section V) fully empower Astana to act.
Pillar 4- Temporary relocation of Gaza Palestinians is imperative
Promptly offering mediation between Israel and Palestine, Astana does not only save the lives of thousands of Palestinians, but also helps spare those of hundreds or thousands of Israeli soldiers and civilians, who will surely die as long as the war continues. For this to be done, a First Peace Agreement between Israel, Palestine and Kazakhstan shall be signed detailing the parallel processes, the various modalities, the successive stages, the duration thereof, and the indissoluble determination of the State of Israel and the Palestinian Authority to reach a terminal agreement for ultimate peace and reconciliation.
Time shall be offered to Israel to clear the territory of Gaza Strip and to the Kazakh-Chinese-Indian consortium of construction companies to reconstruct the entire region from scratch; for this to be done, the same consortium shall first construct -in especially selected zones in Kazakhstan (see above section V 7)- all the necessary infrastructure for the entire Palestinian population of Gaza to be relocated there and temporarily accommodated.
In addition to the donations that an independent organization under the auspices of the UN shall be established to collect, it will be up to the Kazakh governmental authorities to also decide whether types of provisory employment should be offered to those among the relocated Palestinians who would wish to work; in this case, the diverse factories, plants, manufacturing units or workshops shall be constructed in the same zone as the urban infrastructure, and they shall be later (after the departure/return of the relocated Palestinians) used for other, Kazakh or foreign workers who will find employment there, contributing to the national GDP.
According to the terms of the First Peace Agreement between Israel, Palestine and Kazakhstan, an initial ceasefire shall be followed by the beginning of the relocation process which will cover several stages; finally, the entire population of Gaza shall be evacuated and temporarily relocated to Kazakhstan. It shall be decided whether the evacuation will be effectuated via Tel Aviv airport or El Arish International Airport (45 km from Rafah border crossing); in either case, special convoys will be set up to accompany the buses with the Gaza Palestinian evacuees, duly supervised by either Israeli or Egyptian military.
It will be entirely up to the hosting Kazakh authorities to determine the flight destination (eventually Kyzylorda International Airport or Aliya Moldagulova International Airport in Aktobe) and the transportation process to the final location where the Palestinian populations will be temporarily relocated and accommodated.
Pillar 5- Evacuation of all Israeli settlers from the West Bank
Following the terms of the First Peace Agreement between Israel, Palestine and Kazakhstan, and during the processes of a) Gaza infrastructure demolition, b) Gaza Palestinian population evacuation/relocation, and c) Gaza reconstruction, a national unity government in Israel shall initiate and carry out the next project, evacuating and relocating the Israeli settlers from the West Bank. This will be the first serious effort of Israel to persuade the international community about its good will toward the Palestinian Nation, its honesty as regards the surrounding neighbors, and its commitment to the final pacification process.
All Israeli settlers shall be gradually removed from the West Bank (see above section IV 4), but all the buildings and the overall urban infrastructure shall be effectively maintained, renovated, and renamed in order to be handed over to the West Bank Palestinians, when they will return after their temporary relocation. It will be truly essential -as a confidence building measure- for Israel to complete the evacuation of all Israeli settlers from the West Bank before the Palestinian populations of that land are temporarily relocated and accommodated in Kazakhstan, after the completion of the Gaza reconstruction project and the return of the earlier relocated Gazans.
Pillar 6- Reconstruction of Gaza
Following the process of Gaza demolition undertaken by the Israeli army and the evacuation/relocation of the entire Palestinian population, the Kazakh-Chinese-Israeli consortium, and additional teams of Kazakh and Israeli workers shall have two additional years before making the land of Gaza an enviable place for Gazan Palestinians to peacefully live and prosper (see above section III 7-10).
Pillar 7- Border control must stay with Israel
After the reconstruction of Gaza and the return of the temporarily relocated Gazan Palestinians, a totally new system of social-military-political life shall start. As I have already stated for the case of West Bank, the Gaza Strip will have no common border with Egypt (see above section IV 10). A narrow strip 100 m wide will be delineated alongside the old borderline between Gaza Strip and Egypt. This strip will belong to Israel, thus turning the Palestinian state into an enclave inside Israel; Israeli soldiers will be regularly patrolling there, but communication and transportation from and to Egypt will be made easy through Rafah border crossing.
Because of the aforementioned enormous trench that shall be constructed (see above section III 5: Rafah to Taba trench construction project) and thanks to the exhaustive demolition-reconstruction project in the Gaza Strip, conditions of absolute security will prevail across the borders, which will be entirely kept by Israeli soldiers, who will ensure border impenetrability for both, Palestinians and Israelis.
The State of Palestine will function as an entirely independent state with one seat in the UN General Assembly on the basis of mutual recognition with Israel. At the geographical level, Palestine will be an enclave within Israel; that’s why there will be minimal security forces (Palestinian and Israeli) in the ‘inner’ borders (between Palestine and Israel), whereas Israeli soldiers will guard the ‘outer’ (external) borders (with Egypt, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon). Two airports (one in Gaza Strip and another in the West Bank) and one port (in Gaza City) will be fully operable in Palestine. Airport and port security in Palestine will be undertaken by Israeli security forces. In the beginning, there will be no flights from Palestine to countries that do not recognize Israel; later, this problem will be resolved.
Pillar 8- The processes applied to Gaza shall also be implemented in the West Bank
To complete the entire process and carry out a comprehensive investigation in view of a bright and peaceful future, Palestinians and Israelis shall agree to implement the same approach and apply the same procedure to the West Bank Palestinians. After all the Israeli settlements are evacuated from the West Bank and after the relocated Gazan populations return to their new old-new homeland, it will be the turn of the populations of West Bank to be relocated for 3-4 years, before returning to an entirely reconstructed homeland in which they will inherit the entire infrastructure left by the Israeli settlers.
Pillar 9- Mutual recognition of the two states – location of the two capitals
Following the completion of the aforementioned stages, the First Peace Agreement between Israel, Palestine and Kazakhstan (see above section VI Pillar 4) shall be replaced by the Final Peace Agreement, which will stipulate in detail the multiple exchanges and the bilateral cooperation that the two states will be ready to resume with one another. Except the signatories of the first treaty, the Final Peace Agreement will be co-signed by China, India, Russia, Brazil and South Africa. The capital of Israel shall be in Western Jerusalem, and the capital of Palestine shall be in Eastern Jerusalem.
Many confidence building measures and mutual understanding initiatives will be undertaken in order to enable the two nations to come closer to one another. Modern Arabic will become no1 foreign language in the schools of Israel, whereas Modern Hebrew will become no1 foreign language in the schools of Palestine. Kazakh, Chinese, Hindi and Russian will replace all the Western languages that were previously taught in the primary and secondary education schools in both lands.
Israel shall support Palestine’s demand of admission as a full member state in the UN General Assembly, and the two states shall pursue similar foreign policy, identical orientations, and concerted geostrategic decisions. Israel and Palestine will opt for the same major partners in economic synergy, joint ventures, trade, education, scientific cooperation, and tourism, notably Kazakhstan, China, India, Russia, Central Asia, SE Asia, Africa, and Latin America.
Palestine will downgrade its participation in the Arab League, and Israel will gradually lessen its relations with NATO countries. Palestine will boost relations with secular Muslim countries, blocking contacts with Islamist regimes; acting reciprocally, Israel will ban from Israel all Protestants, and in particular the Zionist Christians, who proved to be the scourge of the Jewish state with their farcical and false interpretations of the Bible and their absurd eschatological schemes, which confused Israelis and Jews, pushing them to extreme and disastrous considerations.
Pillar 10- Simultaneous adhesion to the same military alliances, economic groups and international organizations
Following the implementation of the aforementioned Peace Plan and the successful fulfillment of the groundbreaking measures, the diplomacies of China, India and Russia will deploy a considerable effort to inflect the position of countries like Iran, Iraq, Syria and Lebanon, demanding the dissolution of groups that threaten the pacification process and the ensuing peaceful cooperation between Palestinians and Israelis. This will open the way to further bilateral peace agreements, notably with Syria, Lebanon, Iraq and Iran.
This crucial fact is viciously disregarded and systematically concealed by the colonial Western powers and their local stooges; by trying to arrange ridiculous and clownish peace agreements between Israel, UAE and Bahrain, the US and their allies only tried to fool the Israelis, offering them meaningless normalization accords with countries, which would never make a war against Israel or support various anti-Israel groups. The notorious Abraham Accords (signed on 15th September 2020) are phony. They are true in the sense that the dictatorial rulers of UAE and Bahrain accepted to sign those papers, but they are as meaningless and useless for Israel as an agreement with Tuvalu and Nauru.
This is the anti-Israeli and anti-Jewish hypocrisy of the Western World at its best; it was quite stupid of the Israeli government to arrange and participate in festivities on the occasion of the Abraham Accords. What truly matters for Israel’s peace, safety and security is a normalization agreement with Syria, Lebanon, Iraq and Iran. But this is something that the criminal and dictatorial Western regimes of France, UK, Australia, Canada, Holland and the US first are unable to deliver and second do not want to see it happen. This is so because only a normalization accord and a peace treaty with Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, and Iran would guarantee Israel’s real survival. And quite contrarily to this eventuality, the inhuman monsters, which control Western Europe and North America, prepare the final solution for Israel and the Jews, while hypocritically smiling to and embracing the embattled Israeli prime ministers and presidents.
The simultaneous adhesion of Israel and Palestine to the same military alliances, economic groups, and international organizations, like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation, the BRICS and the New Development Bank will definitely become the matter of preparatory negotiations as soon as the Final Peace Agreement will be solemnly signed offering both beleaguered nations peace, freedom, prosperity and freedom far from the ominous schemes of the Western World. The perspective of any future enmity and hostility will be thus reduced to nil.
VII. Ten stages of Kazakhstan’s plan to terminate the Palestine-Israel conflict – recapitulation and diagram
Summarizing the above in a brief diagram, I outline the major stages:
Basic links/points of reference to eventually consult:
In a previous article titled ‘Palestinians vs. Israelis: 11 Hidden Historical Truths about a Futile War’, I expanded briefly on crucial historical points that the Palestinians and the entire world do not know concerning first the History of the kingdoms of Ancient Israel and Judah and second the identity of today’s so-called Jews whose outright majority (85-90%), namely the Ashkenazi Khazarians, by all means are not Jews ethnically, linguistically, culturally and religiously. I also pointed out that even the Sephardic Jews, who make ca. 10-15% of the so-called World Jewry, are not entitled to the Promised Land (i.e. Palestine) as per historical evidence; furthermore, I made it clear that the Sephardim do not constitute part of the Chosen People (i.e. the ten lost tribes of Ancient Israel) whose ‘return’ was prophesied in the Old Testament. The article can be found here: https://www.academia.edu/107952726/Palestinians_vs_Israelis_11_Hidden_Historical_Truths_about_a_Futile_War
The Philistines, ancestors of Palestinians, captured and abducted the Ark of the Covenant, taking it to Philistia; fresco from the Aramaean (ethnically non-Jewish) Synagogue of Dura Europos (near Abu Kamal, by the bank of Euphrates, Eastern Syria; currently in the National Museum of Damascus) with representation of the scene (middle of 3rd c. CE). Will a Palestinian find the lost Ark and take it to Gaza?
I. The Spiritual and Moral Conditions of National Resistance
In the present article, I intend to offer a different perspective, revealing other hidden truths, which disastrously impacted the warring parties, engulfing them in a war that is not truly theirs but that of their respective masters. I have however to point out beforehand that similar situations and conditions can be attested in many other lands and among different nations. It is essential for all to understand that without identity clarity and in the absence of integrity coherence, not one nation can possibly achieve real sovereignty, national independence, and genuine self-determination. If this is hard for some to assess, I can help them by making the following two academic questions:
– Yes! The Palestinians have right to Palestine; but what is it good for them to have full control of the territory of their land, “from the River to the Sea” (من النهر إلى البحر; min al-nahr ila al-bahr) as they say (the statement was officially endorsed by PLO in 1964), if this, hypothetical, ‘independent’ Palestine is going to be as subordinate, subservient, obedient and docile a state as Tunisia, Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Iran, Pakistan, Azerbaijan, Turkey, Greece, Macedonia, Albania and many other countries, which function in reality as disreputable protectorates of the colonial powers, i.e. France, England and the US?
– Who is the idiot who believes that these countries are ‘Muslim’ or ‘Christian’?
They are all evil realms of besotted followers, materialistic consumers, bastard rulers, academic liars, conniving journalists, and criminal politicians; they will all perish in the Hell that they deserve, because they shamelessly and immorally utilize selected excerpts of sacred texts for their Satanic interests.
Examining the lamentable and abhorrent History of Modern Occupied Palestine, many people -irrespective of their ancestry, culture, religion, and language- make a tremendous mistake without even noticing it. They focus on the innumerable and appalling atrocities carried out by the fake-Jewish, Zionist gangsters against peaceful and innocent Palestinians who were attacked and murdered in their villages in the 1940s, 1950s and ever since. Although these observers and commentators focus on real facts and highlight the historical truth by so doing, they also commit a terrible error that totally affects their overall judgment and final conclusion. Their evaluation is unilaterally material and materialistic; they would have been correct, had we been deprived of soul, spirituality, faith, Hereafter and God. These mistaken writers and scholars commit indeed the miscalculation that the worst enemies of Mankind want them to make.
There is no science without spirituality; there is no scholarly analysis without moral; there is no knowledge without life; there is no study without soul; and there is no news without faith. We are not bodies; the adversaries of Mankind want to turn us to impotent beings disconnected from our souls and plunged in sin, lawlessness, odium and iniquity. Failing to comprehend the daily developments and facts within the only correct context, namely our double, spiritual and material, subsistence, we instantaneously become Darwinists, evolutionists, materialists, and renegades of our faith, whatever it may be.
How can we comprehend historical developments and facts by also taking into account the spiritual and the moral conditions of our everyday life? The response to this question has been known for thousands of years thanks to religious texts; we can never forget, when examining our situation, the moral and the spiritual dimensions of every single act committed by a human. It is a terrible oversight not to consider that the present life is a brief passage of our souls from the material world; the rest, i.e. the Hereafter, matters much more. In fact, this life is merely an exam that we have to pass successfully; for what shall it profit a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?
In fact, the hundreds of thousands or millions of Palestinians, who were indiscriminately ruined, dispossessed and murdered for the lawless, illegal, fallacious and criminal state of Israel to be set up and persist in order to spread iniquity, immorality, sinfulness, falsehood, unchastity, debauchery and inhumanity, gained eternal life in the Hereafter. What is higher distinction for a man than to exemplify the Biblical Job and the Quranic Ayyub as a lifelong innocent sufferer?
I have to add at this point that the aforementioned concept is neither Islamic nor Hebrew-Jewish nor Christian, but entirely Assyrian-Babylonian; it has first been a cardinal element of the Ancient Mesopotamian spirituality, moral, culture and civilization for centuries and millennia. Composed by Shubshi Mashra Shakkan (Šubši-mašrâ-Šakkan) in the 14th c. BCE, the primary text of Assyrian-Babylonian Wisdom ‘Ludlul bel Nemeqi’ (‘I praise the lord of wisdom’) is the first presentation of the subject. There is no originality in the Bible and the Quran; as divine revelations, they follow other earlier manifestations of the Divine among humans. In any case, about the absolute dependence of the so-called ‘Biblical world’ on the paramount civilizations of Ancient Mesopotamia and Egypt, I already wrote in my previous article.
By stating the above, I do not mean that Palestinians should accept their fate passively and submit themselves to the dictates of the alien, sinful and criminal usurpers of the fair name of Ancient Israel and of the historical Jewish faith in order to perform the most monstrous and the most inhuman deeds in the History of Mankind. No! The Palestinians should never accept the villainous falsehood of the Ashkenazi Khazarians and the Zionist agenda.
However, there is an enormous difference between the resolute rejection of the lawless Ashkenazi Khazarian rule over Palestine and the self-inculpation of the Palestinians, who believe that they can do to the Israelis what the Israelis did to them. This is a trap for every faithful person; by hating enemies and by acting like them, humans lose their purpose in life, their faith and their soul. This can hardly be an option.
The spiritual and moral conditions of national resistance are however a vast topic that imposes extensive discussion; this is not however the topic of present article. All the same, I can herewith offer an example to best illustrate my approach. Perceiving the fabrication of the Zionist state as an entirely colonial affair and evaluating the evil behavior of the Zionists as clearly colonial of nature, we have to conclude that the famous Palestinian academic and philologist Edward Wadie Said (1935-2003) played a far more successful part in the struggle for the liberation of Palestine (and many other colonial and postcolonial lands) than Yasser Arafat (1929-2004).
Thanks to Edward Said’s ‘Orientalism’ (1978, Pantheon Books, 368 p.), millions or dozens of millions of people across the Earth realized that it is not enough that the former colonial ruler goes for you to be properly and completely decolonized (and since the colonial powers were Western) de-Westernized. Yasser Arafat created the structures of a resistance movement in Palestine; the Palestinian National Authority, following the Oslo Accords (1993-1995), is certainly to be credited to Yasser Arafat. But how much did living standards among Palestinians improve ever since? Did Palestinians achieve self-determination in the process?
Were the Oslo Accords respected by the state of Israel or effectively contravened? An objective observer would easily conclude that the agreements were misinterpreted and disrespected by the Zionist state which benefitted from the said treaty more than the Palestinians did.
Meanwhile the Palestinians did not even study and do not know at all the nature, the past, and the true identity of their enemies. Even worse, due to their commitment to endless but purposeless fight, killings, bombings, and conflict, the Palestinians did not even set up a proper national education among themselves and did not make of their past, heritage and identity a consciously and actively known reality of their cultural integrity and everyday life.
Making of devious political ideologies, like Pan-Arabism and Islamism (political islam), the foundation of their struggle for liberation was an extremely bad and detrimental mistake, which engulfed Palestinians in ineffective and unnecessary sacrifices that lead nowhere. Religion cannot be involved in governance; even more so when the type of governance is the vicious and inhuman modern system that we call ‘politics’, which did not exist in the past. When contaminated with politics, false religion opens the gates of Hell for the idiots who think they can use sacred texts and references to the divine, spiritual universe for their material benefit.
There cannot be politicization of religious affairs and there cannot be religization of political affairs.
What comes as nefarious surprise atop of all this is the fact that, when you are idiotic enough to rely on others for your liberation, then you inevitably become the victim of foreign schemers, who are not merely diplomats, agents and military officers; all the same, the truly worst in this case is that, when your supposed liberation becomes the concern of your interlocutor, you soon turn out to be a puppet, and your nation becomes merely the expendable material that is necessary not to your friends, allies or protectors (read: masters), but to other forces that control the governments and the universities of those ‘allies’, while staying in the shadows of the backstage.
That’s why Edward Said’s path was far more successful than that of Yasser Arafat. When it comes to the Palestinian independence, this option will certainly never happen, because behind the front office of the anti-Israeli company (namely PLO, Hamas, Hezbollah, etc.), there is a totally unknown back office (i.e. governments, states and secret organizations) that has developed for Palestine plans worse that the fake state of Israel itself.
II. 6 Points of Historical Clarification about the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict
I will now reveal a series of misperceptions, omissions, and falsehood diffused worldwide about the so-called ‘Palestinian Problem’. As a matter of fact, most people (Palestinians and Israelis included) have no clue of what is going on there; instead, totally false narratives are systematically spread in order to obscure and conceal the reality.
Point 1: Palestinians are not Arabs, but victims of Arabization and Pan-Arabism.
As it happens in every other Arabic speaking country, Palestinians were made to believe that they are Arab, but they are not at all. This misconception and fallacy was fabricated by 19th c. colonial Orientalists and imposed locally in every detached province of the Ottoman Empire that was colonized by the English and the French; the Americans followed in their footsteps. The false and evil concept targeted the true identity of all the peoples of the vast area, who were speaking very diverse languages and dialects from Morocco to Yemen to Oman. To implement their calamitous political decision, the colonial powers launched many Arabization campaigns in order to cut every chance of those -very different from one another- nations to launch a proper nation building process. It goes without saying that all this evildoing was carried out long before the formation of the political ideology of Pan-Arabism.
In striking contrast to the colonial evildoing and the Arab falsehood, the Libyans, Tunisians, Algerians, Moroccans and Mauritanians were -all- Berber of origin. The Egyptians were Copts, if we don’t count the Berbers in the Northwestern confines, the Nubians of the South, and the Beja (Blemmyes) of the Southeast provinces of Egypt. The Arabic-speaking Sudanese were Cushitic of ancestry, i.e. the descendants of both, the ancient kingdoms of Kerma, Napata (Cush) and Meroe and the Christian realms of Makuria and Alodia. Furthermore, the Arabic-speaking populations of the Ottoman provinces in Asia (in today’s Syria, SE Turkey, Lebanon, Palestine, Israel, Jordan, Iraq, Kuwait, SW Iran, UAE, and Qatar) were all Aramaeans. Last but not least, the Yemenites and the Omanis were all of Ancient Yemenite and Omani origin, and they were totally unrelated to the Arabs of Hejaz; Arabs existed only there and in the desert of the Arabian Peninsula. All the Sabaean, Qatabani, Himyarite and Hadhrami inscriptions that have been excavated in Yemen, deciphered, read and published testify to the historical truth that not even one drop of Arab blood can be found in Yemenite veins.
The gradual linguistic Arabization of the Palestinians was due to the process of Islamization; but like all the other Syriac Aramaic-speaking populations of the wider region, the Palestinians preserved their culture, tradition and ethnic identity. When it comes to ethnic amalgamation, the few Arabs who settled in Palestine could not form a noteworthy component and modify the ethnic identity, because the population of Hejaz at the time of prophet Muhammad did not amount to that of one big city in Syria, Mesopotamia or Egypt.
Furthermore, many people have become the victims of the Orientalist deception and the fallacy of ‘Arab conquests’; as a matter of fact, there were no Arab conquests at all. The early Islamic invasions were undertaken initially (633-636) by Arabs and Yemenites proselytes; later (636-642), the Islamic armies also incorporated many Aramaean converts originating from Damascus, parts of South Syria, and South Mesopotamia. After 642, the fighters of Islam had also Coptic neophytes.
Point 2: The Aramaean and Philistine Past of the Palestinians
Before the arrival of Islam, the Palestinians had been linguistically Aramaized, like many other nations of the wider region; in fact, Babylonians, Phoenicians and Jews were also linguistically Aramaized during the Late Antiquity, i.e. the Achaemenid, Seleucid, Parthian, Roman, Sassanid and Eastern Roman times (539 BCE-622 CE). During that period, the Palestinians amalgamated with Aramaeans, Phoenicians, Edomites (Idumeans), Egyptians, Macedonians, Greeks and Romans. Palestinian Aramaic is a relatively well documented language thanks to the Jerusalem Talmud, one Dead Sea scroll, and the Scroll of Fasting (מגילת תענית; Megillat Taanit). It is noteworthy that many Palestinians, like Aramaeans, accepted progressively the Jewish religion and, later, different variants of Early Christianity. Palestinian Syriac (also known as Christian Palestinian Aramaic) is the latest stage of that language, and it is also very well documented.
The first page of Megillat Taanit
Prior to their Aramaization, the Palestinians, then known as ‘Philistines’, did not have a writing system of their own, but several Philistine inscriptions have been unearthed recently (noticeably by Israeli archaeologists, not Palestinians). Written in the Phoenician alphabet and language, they offer scholars the chance to explore Philistine names, cognomens and toponyms, and to debate possible linguistic affiliations. The Ekron royal dedicatory Inscription is perhaps the longest text hitherto excavated (Ekron/ עֶקְרוֹן/ Ακκαρων was one the five Philistine cities). For its major part, the History of the Ancient Philistines is reconstituted on the basis of foreign historiography (involving Assyrian-Babylonian cuneiform, Egyptian hieroglyphic, Biblical Hebrew, and Ancient Greek sources) and archaeological record for the period 1200-500 BCE.
A major moment of the Ancient Philistine History has to do with their achievement to capture and abduct the Ark of the Covenant (First Book of Kings, 5:1-6:21); the narrative does not include any mention of Samuel, but describes the adversities and the calamities caused to the Philistines due to the mere presence of the miraculous Ark in their lands.
Point 3: The Sea Peoples and the Peleset-Pelasgian-Cretan Ancestry of the Palestinians
The earliest stage of Palestinian-Philistine History is related to the Peleset, who are extensively documented in Egyptian hieroglyphic texts; there is an agreement among almost all specialists that ‘Peleset’ is the Egyptian name of that nation. As the Peleset-Philistines were the most belligerent element of the Sea Peoples, we know that before 3200 years, the ancestors of the Palestinians, who were then dwelling in the island of Crete and the South Balkans, participated along with many other rebel ethnic groups in the invasions of the ‘Sea Peoples’; this term was first used in the Ancient Egyptian historical texts.
The attacks and the expanding disorder and chaos brought down the Achaeans (Mycenaeans) in the South Balkans, the Hittites in Anatolia, the Amurru in today’s Syria, Ugarit, Byblos and several other Canaanite kingdoms, before being stopped by Ramses III, who defeated the warriors and dispersed them. Following their defeat, the Peleset settled in the southern coast of Canaan, which became later known as Philistia/Palestine.
Representation of the Battle of Djahy on the walls of the Medinet Habu mortuary temple of Ramses III
In the other end of the spectrum, the Peleset can be identified with the Pelasgians, the indigenous populations of South Balkans that the Achaeans found when they invaded the southernmost confines of the Balkans and set up their tiny kingdoms; the Pelasgians, who were the Achaeans’ worst enemies, are occasionally described in later historiography and Ancient Greek texts of the first millennium BCE. However, no information about them is found in the Achaean/Mycenaean texts (Linear B) of the 2nd millennium BCE, which makes of the Ancient Egyptian hieroglyphic texts (and notably the Annals of Ramses III) the earliest historical source about the Palestinians.
Point 4: Palestinian Islamists and Israeli Zionists: Criminal Accomplices in the Formation of a Deracinated Nation that functions as Expendable Material
I deliberately expanded much about the Palestinian History. This is a critical point as it consists in a consequence of the diffusion of Pan-Arabism and Islamism among the Palestinians: almost nothing of the above briefly mentioned stages of their historical past is known to the average Palestinians. Education manuals in the Palestinian National Authority and in the state of Israel contain almost no notion of Ancient History of Palestine and no reference to their origin from Crete and the South Balkans. Everything is done in a way so that the Palestinians are deprived of their past, know therefore nothing about it, and consequently feel as -and believe that they are- deracinated, without a rich archaeological and historical heritage.
Void of historical past and deprived of national heritage, Palestinians fall therefore victims of numerous pseudo-Muslim sheikhs who define the war as the basic task of their followers; this is utterly anti-Islamic and evil. The worst part of the lie is the theory that brutal acts, attacks, killings and atrocities are the best means of resistance and the shortest path to freedom, liberation and independence. This absurd delusion brought the Palestinian nation to its knees; even more disastrously, it exposed them to unnecessary sacrifice and pointless martyrdom, because the fake state of Israel was only consolidated in this manner.
Ignorance, fake education, national destitution, and compact idiocy are never conditions able to be beneficial to an oppressed and persecuted nation. Even worse, the travails of a subjugated and massacred nation are not a religious affair per se; it is a national affair instead. And when inanity and irrationality prevent an entire nation from assessing the tricks and identifying the lies of their enemy, we can conclude that the liberation struggle is sabotaged by the false leaders, who contribute to the historical deracination, educational degeneration, and intellectual disintegration of their own nation.
I can offer distressing examples in this regard; it is an undeniable fact that Israeli scholars and researchers know the historical past of Palestine -in its geographical entirety- incomparably better than the few Palestinian historians and archaeologists. For the Palestinians, this fact constitutes a defeat far worse than the (unquestionably illegal) occupation of their country. Identity and integrity are above all; guns and killings are for losers.
To make a contrast, I can evoke the case of the Oromo and the Somali nations; they constitute the two major nations in the Horn of Africa region. Both nations have been long oppressed and persecuted by the Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians. Occupied Oromia and the entire Oromo nation (more than 45 million Cushites of Eastern Africa) are in resistance against the colonial state of Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia); Occupied Ogaden is an integral part of the Somali nation that has been repeatedly massacred in the most appalling manner by the (always friendly to the Zionist regime) governments of Addis Ababa (the historic, true name of the Oromian city is Finfinnee). But both nations, the Oromos and the Somalis, know, learn and study their past, historical heritage, cultural integrity, and national identity far better than their enemies do.
Palestinians failed even to detect why the Israeli occupation forces introduced the fallacious term ‘Israeli Arabs’ for the Palestinians who live within the borders of 1967 Israel. This is outrageous; by perniciously ‘Arabizing’ the Palestinians, the Israelis have carried out an effective De-Palestinization process, which is tantamount to ethnic cleansing and spiritual genocide. All the same, the lethargic and idiotic leaders of the Palestinians have not understood what this meant. Finally, thanks to their Palestinian Islamist accomplices, Israel’s Zionist authorities may one day rename the ‘Israeli Arabs’ as ‘Israeli Muslims’.
Point 5: Lack of Self-criticism brings Disaster, Death and Damnation
The aforementioned points lead us to a conclusive understanding of what the Palestinians truly missed ever since the Zionist project started being unfolded in their own land, already during the last two decades of the Ottoman Empire; they failed to resort to self-criticism, analyze their strengths, identify their weaknesses, study their enemy in-depth, examine the veracity of their friends, and find out the efficient and effective way to oppose the dreadful enemy.
It would be very wrong to accuse Palestinians for extremism and radicalization; this did not concern any Palestinian party, association or group prior to 1960. All the same, for many decades, the Palestinian reaction to the Zionist project was idle, if not friendly. Hassan Bey Shukri (1876-1940) was the first of a long list of Palestinians, who supported both the Balfour Declaration and the Zionist immigration project. He was appointed by the Ottoman administration as mayor of Haifa in 1914, but he committed an act of high treason against his own country, namely the Ottoman Empire.
Hassan Bey Shukri
The problem is not the act of a person like this, but the reasons behind the act. This is what the Palestinians failed to analyze. However, behind this type of treacherous behavior there is a very troublesome reason: the diffusion of the ideology of Pan-Arabism and the associated propaganda that English and French agents, diplomats and explorers carried out in their colonies and worldwide. Unfortunately, until now the Palestinians did not reach this conclusion, because they never imposed the task of self-criticism on them.
Then, after decades of idleness during which the Palestinians seemed to have come to terms with the Zionist agenda, they suddenly shifted to radicalization. Sadly, moving from one extreme to the opposite extreme, while remaining ignorant of one’s own past and heritage, can hardly help, particularly when opposing powerful enemies. What was happening in Palestine during the 1920s and 1930s heralded the cataclysmic developments of the 1940s; one could have expected this evolution, but the Palestinians did not. They thought that their fight against a merciless enemy with a long-term agenda far wider than just the territory of Palestine could possibly be successful when delivered on the spur of the moment. This is sheer paranoia; nations die and disappear in this manner.
On the contrary, self-criticism which is an imperative task for all Christian and Muslim Palestinians would help them realize that only deep rooted perspectives can oppose long term projects and agendas. Consequently, Palestinians should have rejected the disastrous help and the calamitous advice offered by the bogus-kings of the 1940s and the ludicrous presidents of the 1950s and the 1960s, who were merely the puppets of the English and the French. Being the main concerned entity, all the Palestinians should have realized that all these wars benefitted the Zionists, and not themselves and their hypothetical but fake allies. Finally, they were abandoned by almost all the governments of the Arabic-speaking countries.
There are still ignorant people, who insist that in June 1948 the invading Syrian, Trans-Jordanian, Iraqi, and Egyptian forces advanced considerably and they were close to victory; they say that it was a matter of ‘bad luck’ that they failed to bend the resistance of the Zionists and occupy the entire territory of Palestine. These fools forget that, among the invading forces’ military leaders, there was the notorious English lieutenant-general John Bagot Glubb (known as Glubb Pasha and Abu Humaik among the Jordanians and the Palestinians who were subservient and docile to their English masters). He was the commanding general of Transjordan’s Arab Legion from 1939 until 1956, and during the war, he would never allow Palestinian plans and wishes to be materialized.
These fools fail to understand the force that they intend to oppose; actually, if this hypothetical development (namely a Palestinian victory in July 1948) took place, one can be sure that the US army would immediately dispatch the necessary forces to invade Palestine and at the same time evacuate all the Palestinians from there. By speaking so blatantly, I don’t mean that the Zionist forces are invincible and that the Zionist project will be entirely implemented; I am convinced it will not. But the true obstacle to the evil forces can never be the result of ignorance, thoughtlessness and short-term sentimental reaction.
Point 6: the Interminable Failures of the Palestinians
With this point, I will complete the present brief article. Expanding on the failures experienced by the Palestinians and more importantly by their leadership, one can produce an encyclopedia, but I will only offer few examples to demonstrate how different things would have been, had the successive Palestinian leaderships based their efforts and struggles primarily on knowledge, self-criticism, exploration of their past, investigation of the historical heritage of neighboring nations, accurate study of their enemy (or enemies), and independent action without concertation with fake states, political stooges, and colonial masters.
i- First of all, Palestinians failed to early assess the mistreatment of the indigenous Sephardic Jews by the newly arrived Ashkenazi Khazarians in early 20th c. Ottoman Palestine; as it is well-known, the Ottoman Empire invited the Sephardic Jews in 1492, after the end of the Granada war and the dissolution of the local caliphate. More specifically, Bayezid II sent Kemal Reis to save the Jews of Granada and he granted them permission to settle wherever they liked. Many made Palestine their home, and lived peacefully there for 400 years. However, as soon as the first fake-Jewish Ashkenazi Khazarians started arriving and establishing their Anti-Jewish kibbutzim, the Sephardic Jews rejected and denounced them as fake. There were many fights in the process. Quite unfortunately, both the Ottoman authorities and the Palestinian elders proved to be mentally defective and unable to assess correctly the threat and react accordingly. But a joint Jewish-Christian-Muslim Palestinian rebellion against the stupid and useless sultan in 1905 could really jeopardize the entire Zionist project.
Ashkenazim settlers organizing the first kibbutzim, Palestine – 1913
ii- Long before the collapse of the ill-fated Ottoman rule, Palestinians failed to identify their true allies, namely the Christian Aramaeans of Syria, Lebanon, and Mesopotamia, and set up an alliance with them. The Christian Aramaeans of the Ottoman Empire and Qajar Iran had been targeted by the Catholic and Protestant missionaries for more than 300-350 years; because of the Western infiltration both, the Monophysites/Miaphysites (or Jacobites) and the Nestorians, were divided, cheated with English and French promises of independence, and slaughtered. A Muslim-Christian Aramaean-Palestinian alliance would strengthen them all against both, the worthless Ottomans and the insidious Westerners.
iii- After the fall of the Ottoman Empire, Palestinians failed to realize that the Arabic-speaking Lebanese, Syrians and Iraqis, the Egyptians, and the Arabs of Hejaz, who collaborated with the English and the French, would never become ‘equal partners’ with their colonial masters and that, by becoming stooges of the Western powers, they were predestined to doom in this world and to face eternal damnation in the Hereafter. Consequently, Palestinians should have comprehended that the neo-colonial nature of all the Arabic-speaking states and the absence of nation building process in them prevented them from becoming trustworthy and valuable allies against the Zionists. Even after the 1948 Nakba (‘disaster’; النكبة), Palestinians should have realized that the reactions of the neighboring states against Israel failed, because those states were all fake.
iv- A long-term national project of education for Palestinians should have involved the dispatch of at least 1000 young Palestinians to Turkey, USSR, Germany and Italy in the 1930s. With the help of national stipends, they would study Ancient History, Languages and Religions of the Orient, History of the Western Colonialism, History of Christianity and Christological Disputes, and History of Western Europe. These students would then be able to unveil the evil face of the Western World to their compatriots in Palestine, extensively updating them about the true nature of the Jesuits, the Freemasons and the Zionists. However, Palestinians failed to understand the importance of Humanities and to envision a long-term effort. All radicals are stupid and ignorant engineers, who think they know History and have true faith!
v- Following the aforementioned oversights, omissions and failures, it was only normal for Diaspora Palestinians to imagine that they could move to Western Europe and North America, study and settle there. This proved to be an even worse debacle for the Palestinians because they failed to identify France, England and America as the reason of all of their problems; they did not perceive the viciousness of the lies said to them, and they believed them as true. This is how Palestinians and many other ignorant Muslims were radicalized only to serve the Freemasonic interests of England and the English secret services, which created many Islamist organizations and machinated the establishment of Islamist parties and states in order to launch a proxy war against the Zionists and their structure, the fake state of Israel.
vi- Depending totally on the deceitful English and French promises, advice and propaganda, the Palestinians were enslaved by thought; and even worse, being disastrously infiltrated by the secret services of the colonial powers (for which scores of Palestinians have been working), they never acted independently for their own interests – without taking into consideration the filthy words of every Faisal, Nasser, Gadhafi, and others. Otherwise, they could have planned and undertaken a long perspective project, namely to obtain power in Jordan and Saudi Arabia by means of a secretively carried out coup. But to undertake such an exploit, one must first ensure national impermeability and then drastically block every effort of infiltration.
The dire conclusion is that, innocent or guilty, faithful or disbelievers, moral or immoral, the average Israelis and Palestinians are being killed for the Anti-Jewish, Anti-Christian and Anti-Islamic interests of the Zionists, the Freemasons, and the Jesuits. These interests I will expose in a forthcoming article.
The Intertwined Destiny of the Russians, the Kazakhs, and the Other Turkic (Turanian) Nations
Казахстан от Гёктюрков (Небесных тюрков) и Чингисхана до джадидской интеллигенции и Нурсултана Назарбаева
Переплетающиеся судьбы русских, казахов и других тюркских (туранских) народов
Оглавление
Введение
I. Казахская нация: крупная историческая туранская нация
II. Казахи, иранские Сефевиды и Могольские Тимуриды против узбеков и османов
III. Казахи-мусульмане, русские христиане и китайцы-конфуцианцы в войнах против экстремистских буддийских джунгар
IV. Казахские племена и их диахроническое значение
V. Казахи и русские: параллельная жизнь двух туранских народов
VI. Русско-казахские отношения (16-19 вв.) и завоевание Казахского ханства русскими
VII. В Казахстане, Сибири и Средней Азии никогда не было русской колонизации
VIII. Казахи при царизме
а- Царские поселения по всей Средней Азии
б- Деномадизация (или оседлость) казахов и других туранских народов
в- Отмена рабства и крепостного права
г- Административная организация
д- Внедрение современных технологий и, в частности, строительство железных дорог
е- Русский язык в образовании
IX. Джадидское движение как основание всех современных туранских мусульманских народов в Восточной Европе, Центральной Азии и Сибири: исторические корни
а- Габдрахим Утыз-Имяни аль Булгари
б- Таджетдин Ялчыгул
в- Нигматулла Тукаев
г- Габденнасыр Курсави
д- Шигабутдин Марджани
е- Абай (Ибрагим) Кунанбаев
ё- Кадимизм
X. 25 самых выдающихся интеллектуалов, ученых, активистов и политиков движения джадидов.
а– Исмаил Гаспринский
б- Абдурауф Фитрат
в– Файзулла Ходжаев
г– Мирсаид Султан-Галиев
д- Муса Бигеев
е- Мухаммед-Габдулхай Курбангалиев
ё- Алимардан-бек Топчибашев
ж- Гасан-бек Зардаби
з– Мирза Фатали Ахундов
и– Махмуд Ходжа Бехбуди
й- Сайфулла-кади Халид Башларов
к– Салимгирей Сеидханович Джантюрин
л- Садриддин Айни
м- Хайрулла Усманов
н– Фатали Хан Искендер оглы Хойский
о– Халил-бек Хасмамедов
п- Мулланур Муллазянович Вахитов
р- Ахмет-Заки Валидов
с– Ризаитдин Фахретдинович Фахретдинов
т– Бахытжан Бисалиевич Каратаев
у– Халел Досмухамедов
ф- Жаханша Досмухамедов
х– Сакен Сейфуллин
ц– Мукыш Боштаев
ч- Алихан Букейханов
XI. Джадидское движение между имперской Россией и СССР: светский характер казахов и других мусульман Средней Азии
XII. Так называемое Андижанское восстание
XIII. Неправильное толкование истории Центральной Азии местными учеными-жертвами западных посольств и американо-британских институтов
XIV. Среднеазиатское «восстание» 1916 года
XV. Так называемое восстание басмачей (1917-1923 гг.)
а- Восстание басмачей в Ферганской долине (первая фаза)
б- Восстание басмачей в Хорезмии
в- Восстание басмачей в Бухаре
г- Восстание басмачей в Ферганской долине (вторая фаза)
д- Восстание басмачей в Самарканде
е- Восстание басмачей в Закаспийской области
XVI. Годы становления советской власти в Средней Азии
а- Туркестанская Советская Федеративная Республика
б- Хорезмская Народная Советская Республика
в- Киргизская Автономная Социалистическая Советская Республика
г- Бухарская Народная Советская Республика
д- Противоположные теоретические подходы к образованию советских республик в Средней Азии
в- Голод, исход, депортации, демографические изменения в Казахстане 1930-х гг.
г- Корейцы Казахстана
д- Туркменская Советская Социалистическая Республика (1924-1991)
е- Узбекская Советская Социалистическая Республика (1925-1991 гг.)
ё- Таджикская Советская Социалистическая Республика (1924-1991, в т.ч. АССР)
ж- Киргизская Советская Социалистическая Республика (1925-1991 гг., в т.ч. Автономную область и АССР)
з–Основание Казахской Советской Социалистической Республики и рождение современной казахской нации
и- От Мирзояна до Жумабая Шаяхметова (1933-1954)
XVIII. Казахстан от Брежнева до Назарбаева
а- Космодром Байконур, Освоение целины и Массовые угрозы в Темиртау
б- Патриотическая позиция Динмухамеда Кунаева и шымкентский мятеж (1967 г.)
в- Исмаил Юсупов, уйгурский лидер Казахстана, и Безудержное пренебрежение границами Никиты Хрущева
г- Декабрьские события в Алма-Ате (Желтоксан; 1986): теории заговора и исторические искажения, распространяемые западными учеными и средствами массовой информации
XIX. Казахстан в переходный период
а- Возвышение Нурсултана Назарбаева, величайшего тюркского государственного деятеля после Кемаля Ататюрка
б- Нурсултан Назарбаев: основные достижения и упущения
Послесловие
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Table of Contents
Introduction
I. Kazakh Nation: a Major Historical Turanian Nation
II. Kazakhs, Iranian Safavids & Mughal Timurids against Uzbeks and Ottomans
III. Muslim Kazakhs, Christian Russians & Confucian Chinese in Wars against the Extremist Buddhist Dzungars
IV. The Kazakh Tribes and their Diachronic Importance
V. Kazakhs & Russians: Parallel Lives of two Turanian Nations
VI. Russian-Kazakh Relations (16th-19th c.), and the Russian Conquest of the Kazakh Khanate
VII. In Kazakhstan, Siberia, and Central Asia, there was never Russian Colonization
VIII. The Kazakhs under the Czarists
a- Czarist settlements throughout Central Asia
b- Denomadization (or sedentarization) of the Kazakhs and other Turanian nations
c- Abolition of slavery and serfdom
d- Administrative organization
e- Introduction of modern technology and, more particularly, construction of railways
f- Russian language in the education
IX. The Jadid Movement as the Foundation of all Modern Turanian Muslim Nations in Eastern Europe, Central Asia, and Siberia: the Historical Roots
a- Gadbrahim Utiz-Imiani al-Bulgari
b- Taj al-Din Yalchygul
c- Nigmatullah Toukaev
d- Ghabdennasir Qursawi
e- Shigabutdin Marjani
f- Ibrahim (Abai) Qunanbaiuly
g- Kadimism
X. The 25 most Illustrious Intellectuals, Scholars, Activists and Politicians of the Jadid Movement
a- Ismail Gaspirali (Gasprinsky)
b- Abdurauf Fitrat
c- Fayzullah Khodzhayev
d- Mirsaid Sultan-Galiev
e- Musa Yarulovich Bigiev
f- Muhammed-Gabdulkhay Kurbangaliev
g- Alimardan bey Topchubashov
h- Hasan bey Zardabi
i- Mirza Fatali Akhundov
j- Mahmud khodja Behbudiy
k- Saifullah qadi Khalid Bashlarov
l- Salimgirey Seidkhanovich Dzhantyurin
m- Sadriddin Ayni
n- Hairullah Usmanov
o- Fatali Khan Isgender Oğlu
p- Khalil bey Khasmammadov
q- Mullanur Mullazianovich Vakhitov
r- Ahmed Zaki Validov
s- Rizaeddin bin Fakhreddin
t- Bakhytzhan Bisalievich Karataev
u- Khalil Dosmukhamedov
v- Zhahansha Dosmukhamedov
w- Saken Seifullin
x- Mukysh Boshtayev
y- Alikhan Bukeikhanov
XI. The Jadid Movement between Imperial Russia and the USSR: the Secular Nature of the Kazakhs and the Other Muslims of Central Asia
XII. The So-called Andijan Rebellion
XIII. Misinterpretation of the History of Central Asia by Local Academics-Victims of Western Embassies & US-UK Institutions
XIV. The Central Asiatic ‘Rebellion’ of 1916
XV. The So-called Basmachi Revolt (1917-1923)
a- Basmachi Revolt in Fergana Valley (first phase)
b- Basmachi Revolt in Chorasmia
c- Basmachi Revolt in Bukhara
d- Basmachi Revolt in Fergana Valley (second phase)
e- Basmachi Revolt in Samarqand
f- Basmachi Revolt in the Trans-Caspian region
XVI. The Formative Years of Soviet Rule in Central Asia
a- Turkestan Soviet Federative Republic
b- Khorezm People’s Soviet Republic
c- Kirghiz Autonomous Socialist Soviet Republic
d- Bukharan People’s Soviet Republic
e- Opposite theoretical approaches to the formation of soviet republics in Central Asia
f- National Territorial Delimitation (Национально-территориальное размежевание)
XVII. Kazakhstan and Central Asiaunder the Communists
a- Famine 1919-1922 in Kazakhstan
b- The Malefic Role of Filipp Goloshchyokin in Kazakhstan
c- Famine, Exodus, Deportations, Demographic Change in 1930s Kazakhstan
i- The Foundation of the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic and the Birth of the Modern Kazakh Nation
j- From Mirzoyan to Dzhumabay Shayahmetov (1933-1954)
XVIII. Kazakhstan from Brezhnev to Nazarbayev
a- The Baikonur Cosmodrome, the Virgin Lands Campaign, and the Temirtau Riots
b- The Patriotic Stance of Dinmukhamed Kunaev and the Shymkent Riots (1967)
c- Ismail Yusupov, the Uighur leader of Kazakhstan, and Nikita Khrushchev’s Unrestrainable Disregard of Borders
d- The Jeltoqsan riots (1986): conspiracy theories and historical distortions diffused by Western academics and mass media
XIX. Kazakhstan in Transition
a- The rise of Nursultan Nazarbayev, the greatest Turkic Statesman after Kemal Ataturk
b- Nursultan Nazarbayev: major achievements and oversights
Postface
Introduction
There is no geopolitics and there is no global energy politics. There are no states and there are no international organizations. There are nations (not in the villainous and distortive manner they have been portrayed by malevolent ‘philosophers’ of the so-called Enlightenment era) and there are humans. The existence, i.e. the Creation, of Man is the primordial fact, when it comes to human societies; and because this is so, nothing matters more than Faith and Moral. Any study and analysis of a historical fact is by definition a moral endeavor, a moral evaluation, and a moral conclusion. Without Moral, there is no Man, there are no human societies, and there must not be states at all. That is why there are no ‘interests’ of persons or of states, and every act of every human is a moral examination, before we all return to the Spiritual Universe from where came here.
My current presentation serves as a background and as a point of reference for a forthcoming article in which I will present the reasons for which the UK-US-NATO-EU villainous evildoing and shameless attempt to overthrow the current, widely popular and fully legitimate administration of Kazakhstan was doomed to fail as it finally did in the early days of January 2022. Certainly, in the administration of any society anytime anywhere human mistakes are perpetrated and misconceptions lead to impasses. However, there are always formidable, ethnic, social and cultural factors, formed and consolidated during the history of a nation, that play a determinant role in the time of upheaval and in a moment of challenge; in the present, lengthy article, my intention is to plainly reveal these factors.
History is primordially History of Nations, i.e. of peoples – not states. Peoples matter; states do not. States matter only when they reflect the culture and the traditions, the spirituality and the character, the identity and the integrity of a nation. This reality was plainly reconfirmed in Kazakhstan in January 2022.
As the Kazakh nation has always been intertwined with other Asiatic and Eastern European nations, I intend to highlight the interaction, the interdependence and the interconnectedness of the Kazakhs, the Russians, the Kirghiz, the Tatars, the Uzbeks, the Cossacks, the Mongols, the Turkmen, the Uighurs and –also- the Iranian nations.
Kazakhstan is the leading nation of the Turkic/Turanian world, but it remains deliberately unknown to most of the world. There are other, more densely populated Turanian nations, notably the Uighurs or the Uzbeks. But it is the degree of national consciousness and the authenticity of national integrity that determine the identity of any nation at any moment. For this reason, at the critical moment, the Kazakhs were not fooled, but wholeheartedly sided with their government, supporting President Tokayev’s decision to defend the state against the puppets of the evil forces of UK-US-NATO-EU. To demonstrate the causes of the Kazakh national unity around President Tokayev, I herewith expanded extensively.
All links to entries of the Wikipedia have been included for those among the readers, who would like to undertake their own research and find bibliography and further documentation there. In many cases of the English version of Wikipedia particularly, I fully disagree with either specific points or the overall structure of the entry.
I. Kazakh Nation: a Major Historical Turanian Nation
The Kazakhs (or rather the Qazaqs / Qazaqtar – قازاقتار) constituted a major component of the Turanian Cuman-Kipchak (Kıpçaklar/ Кыпшак) Confederation that dwelled in and controlled most of Eastern Europe, Western and Central Siberia, as well as the northern confines of Central Asia from the beginning of the 10th c. until the middle of the 13th c. Known as 钦察 (Qincha) to the Chinese, Половцы (Polovtsy) and Куны (Cuni) to Slavic sources, and Cumani to Eastern Roman and Latin sources, the Cuman-Kipchak emanated from the Second Turkic Khaganate (7th-8th c.), which consisted in a revival of the Eastern Turkic Khaganate (6th-7th c.), i.e. one of the two halves of the divided Göktürk (Celestial Turanian) or ‘First’ Turkic Khaganate (6th-7th c.). The Göktürks had put an end to the Rouran Khaganate (柔然, Juan-Juan for the Chinese) that lasted from the 4th to the 6th c.
Жужаньский каганат – Rouran Khaganate (: early khanate)Göktürk (Celestial Turanian) or ‘First’ Turkic KhaganateТюркский каганат – ‘First’ Turkic Khaganate
The Kipchak are first mentioned as part of the Second Turkic Khaganate whereas their Confederation was well known to Iranian historians as دشت_قبچاق (Dasht-e Kipchak/Steppe of the Kipchak). The end of the Cuman-Kipchak Confederation is entirely due to the phenomenal development that is current described as ‘Mongol Invasions’. The collapse of the Confederation was the reason that Kipchak spread everywhere in Asia, Africa and Europe. With their renowned military experience, they metamorphosed into Mamluks whereas others served the armies of the vast Mongol Turanian Empire (Golden Horde). About:
Whereas the formation of a Kazakh nomad state dates back to 1465, the name itself is mentioned quite earlier, but not as an ethnonym. The meaning of the word hinges on different possible etymologies as per which it can mean the ‘free man’ (in the sense of gaining one’s freedom / qazğaq or qazğan or qaz). As an alliance Uzbek-Kazak, they were first noticed by the famous general and historian Mirza Muhammad Haidar Dughlat (ميرزا محمد حيدر دوغلات /1499-1551; ruler of Kashmir) in his تاریخ رشیدی (Tarikh-e Rashidi) and described as pastoral nomads wandering around the northern and the western borders of Moghulistan (14th-17th c.), which was a derivative khanate of the Chagatai Empire (one of the vast empires founded by the sons of Genghis Khan). About:
The Kazakh Khanate covers almost 400 years of Central and North Asiatic History (1465-1847), and at the time, it was involved in all major historical developments of the Eurasiatic landmass. Its inception has been rather called the ‘Kazakh War of Independence’ (1468-1500); this war took in fact the form of a civil war within the White Horde, i.e. the eastern wing (also known as the left wing) of the Golden Horde (also known as ‘Ulug Ulus’, the ‘Great State’), i.e. the northwestern part of Genghis Khan’s Mongol Turanian Empire.
More specifically, Abu’l-Khayr Khan (born 1412; 1428-1468), also known as Abu’l-Khayr Shaybani, one of the scions of Genghis Khan, Jochi and Shiban, Khan (king) of the Uzbek Khanate, was considered as illegitimate ruler of the Golden Horde by Kerey (Kerei) and Janibek (Zhanibek), the sons of Barak Khan, ruler of the Golden Horde (1423-1428). Fearing persecution, Kerey Khan (born 1425; Керей-хан) and Janibek Khan (born 1428; Жанибек хан) left and, being accompanied by 200000 nomads, reached the western confines of Moghulistan. It was then that they called themselves Kazakhs (Qazaqs) for the first time. This is how Kerey (1465-1474) and Janibek (1474-1480) became the first two khans of the Kazakh Khanate.
Алтын урда/Altyn Orda – Golden HordeЗолотая Орда (Golden Horde) или/or Великое Государство (the Great State)Казахское ханство – Kazakh KhanateThe flag of the Kazakh KhanateThe three hordes of the Kazakhs – Три жуза казаховKazakh Khanate, The Golden Throne series 2019
II. Kazakhs, Iranian Safavids & Mughal Timurids against Uzbeks and Ottomans
At this point, I must highlight some very critical points; for the aforementioned events and for several ensuing developments, there have been conflicting historical narratives that present enormous variations in favor of one or the other side. They represent the Kazakh and the Uzbek versions of historiography and oral tradition; to offer an example, for the former, Abu’l-Khayr Shaybani was a traitor, whereas for the latter, he was a brave ruler. For two tribal nations that relied extensively on oral traditions due to their cultural identity and moral-spiritual integrity, the heroization of one another’s historical enemy underscores a quasi-permanent rivalry.
From the above, it becomes clear that, at the very moment of the formation of the Uzbek and Kazakh nations, the two tribal structures appeared to form the two main poles of rivalry in the vast area between the Tian Shan Mountains and the Caspian Sea. Despite several long decades of common struggle and fight against the czarist invasion and, notwithstanding that Kazakhs and Uzbeks were viewed by others -and came indeed to live and cohabitate- as fraternal nations during the decades of the Soviet rule, the burden of the past has always been omnipresent down to our days. If the common future of the two major Central Asiatic nations and states remains always a worthwhile perspective, the shadows of the past constitute a worthless nightmare that the two governments must work hard to irrevocably invalidate and obliterate. Even more so, since evil diplomats, working for criminal governments, are persistent in always doing exactly this: exacerbating the impact that old nightmares may have today.
To the original moment of conflict and to several subsequent events are also linked historical alliances that lasted for centuries. Example: Abu’l-Khayr Khan’s grandson Muhammad Shaybani (born 1451; 1488-1510), before he established the Khanate of Bukhara, was defeated by the Kazakhs in Iasy (today’s Turkistan, in the southern confines of Kazakhstan). During his rise to power, Muhammad Shaybani betrayed the Timurid ruler of Samarqand Sultan Ahmed Mirza, making an alliance with Moghulistan. In the battle of Chirciq (Чирчик) River in 1488, the joined armies of Moghulistan and the Uzbeks, the latter under Muhammad Shaybani, won a decisive battle, and Iasy was given back to the Uzbeks.
On this background, it is only normal that the Kazakhs had friendly feelings for the founder of the Safavid Iranian dynasty Shah Ismail I (a Turkmen born in 1487; 1501-1524); the great victory of the Qizilbash Safavid army in the Battle of Merv (1510) and the subsequent death of Muhammad Shaybani were surely auspicious news for the Kazakhs. It is not therefore strange that, under Kasym Khan (born 1445; 1511-1521; قاسم بن جانيبك خان / Қасым бин Жәнібек хан), the Kazakh Khanate reached its greatest expansion. However, Qizilbash involvement against the Ottomans in Anatolia and the excesses of Ismail Safavi’s victory (Shaybani was beheaded and his skull was turned to a drinking vessel) turned the Ottomans against Iran and in favor of the Uzbeks; in any case, Shaybani had already established an Uzbek-Ottoman alliance.
Qasim bin Janibek Khan in the contemporary popular imaginationOttomans, Safavids, Uzbeks, Kazakhs and the Mughal Empire
While discussing all these topics, one must not however forget that these were -one way or another- merely family affairs; not only Kasym Khan and Muhammad Shaybani had common origin from Genghis Khan, common Turanian language and culture, as well as common religion, but they were -literally speaking- cousins. All the same, the disastrous relations that Shaybani and his Uzbek successors had with the Timurids and the support extended at a critical moment by Kasym Khan to Babur (born 1483; 1526-1530;ظهير الدين محمد بابر / Zahir ud-Din Muhammad), founder of the immense Mughal Empire of South Asia (Moghul Empire of India), brought the Mughal emperors and the Kazakh khans close to the Iranian shahs and against the Ottomans and the Uzbeks. If we add the irrevocable Turkmen antipathy for the Ottomans, who constantly and absurdly persecuted Turkmen populations in Anatolia and elsewhere, we get the entire picture. About:
III. Muslim Kazakhs, Christian Russians & Confucian Chinese in Wars against the Extremist Buddhist Dzungars
The clashes and wars between the Uzbeks and the Kazakhs remained for centuries an invariable trait of the History of Eurasia. All the same, in rough terms, the Kazakh Khanate occupied approximately the same area as today’s Republic of Kazakhstan (Qazaqstan Respublikasy), being surrounded by the Nogai Horde (in the west), the Uzbek Khanate of Bukhara (in the south), Moghulistan (in the east), and the Khanate of Siberia (in the north).
As the History of the Kazakh nation is not part of the scope of the present article, I would like to herewith highlight the historically important role that the Kazakh Khanate played while combatting -along with several allies- the infamous, extremist Buddhist Dzungar Khanate. The Dzungar (準噶爾 / Жоңғар / Джунгары; the name means ‘left hand’) were one Oirat Mongol Turanian tribe that established a Buddhist Khanate (1634-1755), which -converted to Mahayana (Great Vehicle) Buddhism- became the major factor of destabilization across Eastern and Central Asia. The Dzungar fanatics invaded and occupied the area of today’s Eastern Turkestan (Xinjiang), undertook attacks on China, Tibet, Siberia and Kazakhstan, and finally proved to be an existential threat for China, the Kazakh Khanate, and Russia. The Confucian – Islamic – Christian alliance of the three realms had to oppose ferocious armies, engage in successive wars, and undertake many attacks before defeating and decimating the Dzungars. The Kazakh-Dzungar wars (1643-1756) helped Qing China pacify Eastern Turkestan and eliminate Dzungars from that region; however, this was possible only after three Dzungar-Qing wars took place.
Central Asia & Siberia 1636Kazakhs and DzungarsDzungar Khanate 1760Dzungar Khanate
IV. The Kazakh Tribes and their Diachronic Importance
Every historian, political scientist, commentator or analyst, who happens to speak today about Kazakhstan, without referring to the Kazakh tribes {or, to be more accurate, the Kazakh hordes (ٴجۇز / жүз; Zhuz)}, is by definition an ignorant and farcical idiot. In fact, the Kazakh tribal particularity always played an important role in Kazakh History, and so it does indeed nowadays. And as it will be demonstrated below, this is not only a societal issue, but also a topographical / geographical factor; in other words, it concerns the different parts of the country’s territory, de facto classifying them as per the traditional tribal criteria. This implies that, under such circumstances, the transfer of capital (from Almaty/Alma Ata to Astana-Nursultan) is not an easy, one-dimensional affair.
The Kazakh word for horde is identical with the number one hundred (100): жүз (zhuz); this relates to a typical trait of Turkic linguistics as per which -y turns to -zh in some languages (equivalents: жүз in Kighiz; yuz in Uzbek; ýüz in Turkmen; yüz in Turkish). In this case, the Kazakh number has the connotation of ‘horde’. There are three Kazakh hordes and their names are quite indicative:
– the Great Horde, lit. the Great Hundred (ۇلى ٴجۇز / Ұлы жүз; Uly Zhuz),
– the Middle Horde (ورتا ٴجۇز; Орта Жүз; Orta Zhuz),
and
– the Minor Horde (كىشى ٴجۇز; Кіші Жүз; Kishi Zhuz).
Considerations about the territories of the three zhuzes (hordes) may differ.
The Uly Zhuz encompasses illustrious tribes, notably the Dulat (or Dughlat), who supported Genghis Khan and rose later to prominence among all Mongol Turanians, the Jalayir, who got permission from Genghis Khan’s sons to settle in Central Asia, and the Kangly, whose name is mentioned in the Kul Tigin Inscription (end of 7th-beginning of 8th c.). Parts of the Great Horde are also the following tribes: Ysty (Ысты), Oshakty (Ошакты), Suwan (Суаны), Alban (Албаны), Sary-Uysin (Уйсун), Shapyrashty (Шапрашты), Sirgeli (Сиргели) and Shanyshqyly (Шанышкылы). In total, the Great Horde is composed of 11 tribes; each tribe is made of several clans and sub-clans. Indicatively, I mention herewith that the Dughlat are divided into Botpai (Ботпай), Janys (Жаныс), Sikym (Сикым) and Shymyr (Шымыр), whereas the Jalairs consist of the Syrmanak (Сырманак/with 5 clans), the Shumanak (Шуманак/with 7 clans), and the Birmanak (Бирманак/with one clan). One must point out that these names are not just academic terms with which only historians, ethnographers, linguists and other scholars keep themselves busy, but the real quintessence of a Kazakh’s identity description and ancestral pride. And for a nation with vast oral tradition like the Kazakhs, my previous sentence is merely an understatement.
Great Horde Kazakhs dwell today in a rather small part of Kazakhstan’s territory, notably the southern confines and the Semirechye (Seven Rivers’) region, and also in an adjacent province of Uzbekistan (forming the local Kazakh minority). For all intentions and purposes, it is quite significant to take into consideration the fact that, from 1718 until 1798, the most noble and most prominent Kazakh horde had its capital in Tashkent, today’s capital of Uzbekistan. And despite the reasonable choice for the post-Soviet independent Kazakhstan to make a new start with a totally brand new capital, a large part of Uly Zhuz (Great Horde) Kazakhs did not accept the transfer of the capital from Almaty to Astana (now Nur-sultan), which is located in the northern confines of the territory of the Middle Horde; that region is viewed as a less important ancestral land. Almaty (آلماتی; Алматы; i.e. ‘the city which is full of apples’) is actually the continuation of an earlier settlement named Almatau (i.e. ‘the mountain of the apples’); it was renamed in Russian as Алма-Ата / Alma-Ata (with the accents on the ultimate syllables), i.e. ‘the father of the apples’. This name reflects the traditional belief that this region was the land of origin for all apple trees. Almaty is located with the territory of the Dulat, one of the most illustrious tribes of the Great Zhuz/Horde.
Comprising six main tribes {Argyny (Аргыны), Naimany (Найманы), Kipchaki (Кипчаки), Konyraty (Коныраты), Kerei (Кереи) and Waki (Уаки)}, and numerous clans and sub-clans, the Middle Horde occupies almost half the territory of present day Kazakhstan (the central, northern and eastern regions of the vast country). When it comes to epics, oral traditions, tribal virtues, Kazakh fables, and heroic narratives, the Orta Zhuz appears to be less brave, less intrepid, and less renowned than the Great Horde.
Last, the Minor Horde consists of remnants of the Nogai Horde, one of the less brave and less famous realms among the Turanian nations. Divided into three tribes, namely Alimuly (Алимулы), Zhetyru (Жетыру) and Bayuly (Байулы) and many clans, the Kishi Zhuz occupies around one third of Kazakhstan’s territory, i.e. the entire western part of the country. About:
V. Kazakhs & Russians: Parallel Lives of two Turanian Nations
The encounter between the Kazakhs and the Russians did not start under auspicious circumstances. The Russians were viewed as a newer, constructed, nation by the Kazakhs (and by many other historical nations of Central and North Asia), and this consideration was very correct and accurate indeed. Although we attest a Kazakh nation in the 2nd half of the 15th c., we have to admit that there were no ‘Russians’ at the time. What is now called ‘Ukraine’ and what makes the quasi-totality of Russia’s European territory still belonged to several Turanian Islamic realms at the time. In fact, if the Golden Horde did not split to several pieces, there would not be any Russian today.
I cannot herewith expand on issues pertaining to the History of Eastern Europe and Northwestern Asia and to what is nowadays presented as ‘History of Russia’, which are entirely fabricated fallacies and historical untruths propagated by Western colonial universities and academies as part of their malignant bogus-historical dogma, but I have to make a series of brief points related to these topics in order to elucidate the confusing situation that average people have in their minds, being the victims of the Western colonial falsehood.
1- Eastern Europe was been the regular habitat of various nomadic Turanian nations, starting with the Huns, who spread in these territories around the middle of the 4th c. CE, coming from Central and Northeastern Asia.
2- The Slavic migrations have been a minor episode of the History of Turanian Migrations to the West; indeed Slavs settled mainly in the Balkans and Central Europe. The fact that Slavs settled in great numbers throughout Macedonia, Thrace and particularly Greece in the late 6th c. (i.e. within the territory of the Eastern Roman Empire) is due to the arrival of the Turkic nation of Bulgars, who settled mainly in the lands of today’s Ukraine, the central and southern parts of Russia’s European territory, and also throughout many adjacent lands. The original language of Slavs is not known and therefore cannot be linguistically identified / categorized.
3- As a continuation of the ‘Old Great Bulgaria’ that controlled Crimea and all lands around the Azov Sea from ca. 630 until ca. 690, Volga Bulgaria was a {first Tengrist (the traditional Turanian religion) and later Muslim} kingdom that lasted from 660 until the arrival of the armies of Genghis Khan at ca. 1240.
4- Islam arrived long before Christianity in Eastern Europe. The kingdom of Volga Bulgaria accepted Islam at the times of Almış (Almish Elteber; Алмуш; ألمش بن يلطوار), who lived at the end of the 9th and the beginning of the 10th c.; more specifically, in 921, the Elteber (title of king) of Bolghar (Volga Bulgaria’s capital) sent an embassy to the Abbasid caliph at Baghdad, asking the dispatch of an embassy and religious authorities officially designated to preach and teach Islam throughout his state. Ahmad ibn Fadlan was then dispatched and, in his Resalah (Report of Journal), he detailed in scrupulous detail the historical developments that took place in 922, i.e. ca. 70 years before Kievan Rus’ accepted Christianity at ca. 990.
Volga Bulgaria in the popular imagination1100 years of Islam in Volga BulgariaRus Khaganate – Русский каганат
5- There is not a shred continuity from the Rus’ Khaganate (ca. 800-900; a Turanian, Scandinavian and Slavic nomadic confederation under a purely Turanian ruler, i.e. ‘Khaqan’, whose whereabouts are entirely unknown due to the lack of clarity of the various historical sources – eventually somewhere in the Krasnodar region) to the Novgorod-based, Varangian–Scandinavian, Rurik dynasty that was founded by Rurik in 862, and to the Kievan Rus’, an extraordinarily multi-ethnic principality founded in 882, which disintegrated in the 1240s due to the Mongol invasions.
Volga Bulgaria, Rus and Mongols
6- The Turanian Mongolian Invasions of the 13th c. only reconfirmed the fact that what is now falsely called ‘Eastern Europe’ has always been an ethnically, culturally and spiritually integral part of (Central, Northeastern, Northern and Northwestern) Asia. With the settlement of Turanian Mongolian populations throughout the lands of the Mongol Empire (and later of the Golden Horde) in Eastern Europe, the ethnic-cultural-religious identity of the local populace was homogenized. The marginal town of Moscow/Muscovy was an entirely Islamic city, and there was a mosque in the castle of Kremlin.
7- The entire reconstruction of Alexander Nevsky’s biography is based on posterior propaganda and untrustworthy sources that make of this insignificant vassal of the Turanian Mongolian Empire a fabulous hero. His genealogy is fabricated, and this proves that there is absolutely no connection between Kievan Rus’ and the so-called ‘principality of Muscovy’, which was turned to ashes in 1389 by the Great Emperor Tokhtamysh (Тухтамыш /Tuqtamış / توقتمش), great grandson of Genghis Khan. The so much praised victory of Dmitry Ivanovich Donskoi (prince of Moscow 1359-1399) over the Khaqan of the Blue Horde, Mamai, at Kulikovo (1380) was not properly speaking a victory, but a machination of Tokhtamysh (1376-1397; Khaqan of the White Horde and later of the Golden Horde), who deliberately did not help Mamai in order to later merge his territory and that of his defeated counterpart, thus re-establishing the Golden Horde.
The Golden Horde before its division into Blue and White Hordes
8- The internecine conflicts among different Turanian tribal rulers, notably Timur’s (Tamerlane’s) invasion of Tokhtamysh’s lands and the subsequent war in 1395 and the Battle of the Vordskla River (in 1399; between the victorious Tatars, supported by Timur, and Tokhtamysh, supported by the Poles and the Lithuanians), allowed the principality of Moscow to be re-established again. But it was not an independent state even at the times of Vasily I (1389-1425). Even more significantly, he may have been a Christian, but the majority of his fiefdom’s population was Muslim. That is why any annexation of territories (as in the case of Nizhny and Suzdal) was always made in the name of the Turanian Muslim lord of the Muscovite vassal princes.
9- Under the princes Vasily I, Vasily II (1425-1462), Ivan III (1462-1505), Vasily III (1505-1533), and Ivan IV the Terrible (1530-1584), Muscovy experienced first a long period of stability (for more than a century) and then an expansion. It was at that time, when the theory of the Slavic Orthodox ancestry of Muscovy was invented and the entire antiquization propaganda started being developed in order to deliberately and distortedly position ‘Russia’ (Россия / Rassiya; an absolutely new and forged name that meant nothing to 15th–16th c. Muscovites) as spiritual-religious-imperial successor to Kievan Rus’ (Ки́евская Русь), which had already been -as we already presented- an imaginatively nebulous substance with undocumented history and unsubstantiated claims. To the old stuff, the subsequent Romanov and Communist layers of propaganda added many false maps whereby the inimical past appears as ‘small’ and the various fabricated realms (which supposedly demonstrate a historical continuity) look ‘big’.
10- In the state of Ivan IV the Terrible, the outright majority of the local population was Turanian of origin; and the peerage, i.e. the famous Boyars (Бояре; in Singular Boyarin/Боярин; of entirely Turanian, not Slavic, etymology), was ostensibly composite, namely of Genghisid and Rurikid ancestry. That’s why Ivan IV the Terrible imposed a real tyranny on them, involving also numerous massacres, in order to subdue them and to deprive them of their immense power (Опричнина / Oprochnina). Old Slavonic, which was already used for religious purposes, became a linguistic goldmine for local vindictive grammarians, who wanted to eliminate (‘purify’) every Turkic linguistic trace. All the same, the expanding state of Ivan IV the Terrible was so weak that, even after the conquest of the Khanate of Kazan (1552) and the Khanate of Astrakhan (1556), the Khanate of Tatar Crimea was still able in 1571 to lay siege of Moscow and burn the entire city within few hours.
11- The so-called Tsardom of Russia (1547-1721; Русское царство/Russkoye tsarstvo) expanded tremendously beyond the Urals throughout North and Northeast Asia, starting with the conquest of the Tatar Islamic Khanate of Siberia (1574-1601) the territory of which corresponded to today’s province of Western Siberia). The entire process involved extensive genocides of the indigenous Turanian and other nations. Meanwhile, the central part of the tsardom (the European territory of today’s Russia, Belarus and Ukraine) was inhabited by Turanian Muslims, who had to accept forced Christianization and linguistic Russification in order to survive. This situation led to extreme turmoil, which is presently known as the ‘Time of Troubles’ (Смутное время /Smutnoe vremya); the years of upheaval lasted from 1598 until 1613, when the Romanovy (Романовы /House of Romanov) rose to power. After the death of the last Khan of the Khanate of Siberia, the Russians advanced to the East, reaching Yenisei River (1605) and the coast of the Pacific Ocean (1639).
This map is very false, because it presents the domain of Muscovy as ‘Russia’; it was not named like that at the time. In fact, there was no Russia, whereas the Kievan Rus was over. Even worse, the dark-colored territory was not under control of Ivan the Terrible before the Novgorod massacre (1570) and before the annexation of all the associated territories to Muscovy. This means that only the southern fifth (20%) of the territory marked as ‘Russia’ belonged truly to the vassal chieftain, who -after his invasions and cruelty- became known as Ivan the Terrible. The expansion of the small state of Ivan IV the Terrible (the massacre of Novgorod and the successive invasions of the Khanates of Kazan, Astrakhan and Siberia) simply turned Muscovy into a Turanian state in which Slavs and Scandinavians were a tiny minority. Due to terror, the Muslim majority had to accept Christianity in order to survive; but this was only a very superficial and therefore meaningless conversion.
12- Furthermore, the centuries of Romanov proved to be not only the time of an intensified linguistic Russification (or de-Turanization) and Christianization (or de-Islamization) but also the period of an imposed educational Occidentalization (or Europeanization) from top to bottom. These monstrous and tyrannical practices and dictates absolutely disfigured the real face of the inhabitants of the vast realm. So, it is not enough to just state today that the Romanovs ruled over a multiethnic, multilingual, multicultural and multi-religious realm; one has to also point out that the so-called ethnic ‘Russians’ are the Turanian descendants of Tengrist and Muslim ancestors and that they undeniably belong culturally to the world of the historical Oriental nations.
13- Now, we can understand what happened, when these ‘Russians’ attempted to move southwards and advance in Central Asia; they actually first expanded to the east and then to the south. And when these ‘Russians’ attacked the Kazakhs, the Uzbeks, the Turkmens and the other Muslim Turanian nations throughout Central Asia, they had apparently forgotten that their remote ancestors may well have been the cousins and the brothers of the Kazakhs’, the Uzbeks’ and the Turkmens’ forefathers.
14- In fact, there has never been Russian colonization in the sense we use the word for the abominable deeds and the execrable crimes of the villainous, vicious and inhuman English, French, Dutch and Americans. But the early Muscovite and the Imperial Russian expansion against Turanian Muslim nations in Eastern Europe, Siberia, and Northern, Northeastern and Central Asia played into the Anglo-French colonial game, offering the Western powers greater benefits than those it granted to the Crown of the Russian Empire itself. Indeed, the Muscovite-Russian expansion helped consolidate the Western colonial powers and it brought the Romanovs to their knees. Today’s Russians must take note of this fact, and act accordingly in order not to play anymore into the same game that 16th c. English ambassadors were able to induce Ivan IV the Terrible to indulge himself in. About:
VI. Russian-Kazakh Relations (16th-19th c.), and the Russian Conquest of the Kazakh Khanate
The Russian conquest of the Kazakh Khanate -viewed in the correct historical context- was due to the disintegration of the Golden Horde and the expansion of the Muscovite lordship (later tsardom and empire). Furthermore, this development is also due to the internal divisions and the historical warrior nature of the Kazakhs. The Kazakh Khanate carried out wars against the Dzungars, the Oirat, the Bashkirs, the Kalmyks, the Cossacks, the Russians, the Germans settlers in Russia, and also the Fergana Valley-based Khanate of Kokand, which was ruled by the Shaybanid-Genghisid Turanians, who seceded from the Khanate of Bukhara in the early 18th c. and exercised authority over Iranian and Turanian populations (whose descendants today are divided in three countries: Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan).
In this regard, it is noteworthy that, at the time of the early Russian expansion (16th c.) under Ivan IV the Terrible (1530-1584; reigned after 1547) and during the Time of Troubles (Smutnoe vremya / Смутное время; 1598-1613), the Kazakhs were mostly occupied in wars against the Khanate of Bukhara.
The Kazakh Khanate and Russia established official contacts already at the end of the 17th c., when Tauke Muhammad Khan (طاوك محمد خان – Тәуке Мұхаммед хан; 1625-1718; ruled after 1680 as Shah-i Turan, ‘Emperor of Turan’) met Peter I (the Great) of Russia in 1698. The religious difference between the Kazakhs and the Russians was initially an insignificant matter – in total contrast to numerous modern scholars’ forgeries and falsifications that serve only the purpose of the colonial powers of the West, their fake historical dogma, and their disreputable products, i.e. the political Islam and Islamic extremism.
This is so because of the cultural propinquity and the ethnic affinity of the 16th–17th c. Russians and Kazakhs, who were Turanian of origin and Asiatic-Oriental of culture. In addition, one must bear in mind that, among Turanians, the diffusion of Islam never erased the original Turanian Tengrist faith, worldview and traditions; this factor made them view Islam and Christianity as two similar religions with many affinities. That’s why Kazakhs repeatedly allied with the Christian Cossacks, when the latter rebelled against the Russian nobility and bureaucracy during the 17th (Khmelnytsky Uprising 1648-1657; Stepan Razin’s Rebellion 1670-1671) and 18th (Pugachev’s Rebellion, 1773-1775) centuries.
The existence of common enemies brought indeed the Russians and the Kazakhs together for some time, mainly in the 18th c.; on several occasions, the Kazakhs asked the help of the Russians against the Dzungars and the Chinese, particularly when the Qing emperors were markedly strengthened after the extermination of the extremist Buddhist Dzungar khanate. At the same time, the Kazakh slave trade on German and Russian settlements in the Volga region created its own dynamics, notably during the 18th c., increasing the number of raids undertaken against one another.
The divisions among the Turanians appeared quite early and more particularly in the failed attack that Peter I launched against the Khanate of Khiva (1717), which was led by a Muslim convert into Christianity, Alexander Bekovich-Cherkassky. It is indeed noteworthy that, although the attack should have been perceived negatively by the Kazakh Khanate, only one year later Mirza Abu’l-Khair Muhammed Khan (1693-1748; ruled from 1718; Мырза Әбілқайыр Мұхаммед хан/ ميرزا أبو الخير محمد خان), the leader of the Minor Horde, asked Russian help against the Dzungars, who are also Turanians.
As the same Khan of the Minor Zhuz (Horde) asked Russian help again in 1730, he made it easier for the czarists to control the western part of today’s Kazakhstan.
Alexander Bekovich-Cherkassky / Александр Бекович-Черкасский (born Muslim as Devlet-Girei-mırza / Девлет-Гирей-мурза)Nader Shah Afshar’s invasions of India and Central Asia
When his eldest son, Zairullah Nur Ali Khan (1704-1790; ruled from 1748 until 1786; Зайруллаh Нұр-Әли хан/ زير الله نور علي خان) decided to break the alliance with Russians, the Minor Horde was too weak to possibly face the imperial army; after several heroic battles and decisive defeats, the Minor Horde was annexed to Russia. At that time, the victorious Qing armies annexed the Uighurs of Eastern Turkestan, and in 1759 Russia and China started having common borders. Multi-fragmented Turan (Central Asia) ) stood no chance to survive due to the numerous irreconcilable khanates, which could neither make peace among themselves nor ally with the illustrious Turkmen Afshar Nader Shah (نادر شاه افشار) of Iran (1688-1747; ruled from 1736). In 1740, the conqueror of Delhi (1739) invaded Khiva and Bukhara, thus further exposing the Kazakhs of the Middle Horde.
As it is already stated, the Russian expansion to the east was the consequence of the 16th c. conquest of the Khanate of Sibir (Siberia); the Russian advance to the South (: Central Asia) took place much later. The permanent and omnipresent Turanian divisions facilitated this development, and it is quite indicative that the only who tried to unite the Turanians of Central Asia against the Russians were the English colonials, who dispatched several diplomatic missions from India to Central Asia in the middle 19th c. but failed to convince the Turanian warring factions to stick together against the Russians, paying for the daring attempt with their lives.
At this point, it is essential to add that the Russian conquest of the Kazakh and the other Central Asiatic khanates was not a war between Christianity and Islam; the Russian Empire had Orthodox Christianity as official religion, but it was neither an exclusively Christian empire nor an anti-Islamic monarchy. A sizeable part of the population was Muslim and there were also Buddhists, Tengrists and Shamanists among the subjects of the czar. When it comes to the Muslims of the Russian Empire, it is essential to point out that as early as 1788 the Central Spiritual Administration of Muslims of Russia (Центральное духовное управление мусульман России) was established (by decree of Catherine II) with headquarters at Ufa. The original name was Оренбургское магометанское духовное собрание (Orenburg Mohammedan Spiritual Assembly).
The first Central Spiritual Administration of Muslims of Russia: Ufa (1788)
To consolidate their newly invaded lands across Siberia and the rest of Northern-Northeastern Asia, the Romanovs started setting up, during the 17th and the first half of the 18th c., several formidable fortresses that constituted the nuclei of the homonymous modern cities. Indicatively (from west to east): Uralsk (1613), Guryev (1645), Orenburg (1743), Orsk (1735), Omsk (1716) on today’s Russian soil, and Petropavlovsk (1752), Pavlodar (1720), Semipalatinsk (1718; today’s Semey) and Kamenogorsk (1720; today’s Oskemen) in today’s N-NE Kazakhstan. Due to the advanced disintegration of the Kazakh Khanate, the different Zhuz (hordes) fought separate wars with the Russians, at times also allying themselves with them in order to fight various and occasional Turanian enemies.
The first Kazakh to lead an uprising against the czarist armies was Syrym Datov (Сырым Датов/Сырым Дат-улы) from the Minor Horde, who started a rebellion (1783-1797) because of socio-economic discrimination, infringement on the rights of tribal elders, robbery and violence against the people of his tribe.
The Nogais of the Minor Zhuz (Horde) used to attack repeatedly Russian cities in the province of Astrakhan (by that time a border region) and the Russians had to ally with the Buddhist Kalmyks (in the NW coastland of the Caspian Sea) to face them. The Khiva Khanate combatted the Nogais too, also invading the Mangyshlak Peninsula (NE Caspian Sea shore), which constitutes nowadays Kazakhstan’s westernmost confines. The Bukey Horde was then incepted in 1801, and it formed an independent tribal confederation of the Nogai (Minor Horde), before being invaded by the Russian armies (1845). Kazakh resistance started almost immediately and the most famous among the earlier rebels were Isatay Taymanuly (Исатай Тайманов), Kenesary Kasymov (Кенесары Касымов), and Makhambet Otemisuly (Махамбет Утемисов), who led various uprisings against the Russians between 1837-1838, 1837-1847, and 1838-1846 respectively (the first and the third were supported by the Minor horde, whereas the second gathered commitment from all three hordes).
Due to his involvement in the Dzungar-Chinese wars and because of his continuous tergiversations in this rivalry (at times allying with China, at times supporting the Dzungars), Abu’l-Mansur Khan of the Middle Horde (1711-1781; ruled the Middle Zhuz after 1733 and all the hordes, i.e. the entire Kazakh Khanate, after 1771; Әбілмансұр хан / أبو المنصور خان) was exposed to the then powerful Chinese. That’s why he asked the help of the Russians; for some time, he was able to keep a certain balance in his relations with the two empires, but he gradually reduced the Kazakh Khanate to a buffer state between Russia and China. Known also as Abylai Khan (Абылай / (أبيلي, Abu’l-Mansur Khan was inconsequential, acknowledging Chinese suzerainty in 1757 but not Russian authority in 1779. To add insult to injury, he campaigned against the Kirghiz {the national name means “we are forty” (tribes)} and attacked the Khanate of Kokand, also invading Tashkent. His three sons took the Turanian divisions to the basics, i.e. the family level, only offering Russians the best excuse to increase their presence in the region and to justify the czarist expansion as an effort to bring ‘order’ to the chaotic periphery.
The Middle and the Great Hordes engaged in many wars with the Russians in the first half of the 19th c. Unfortunately, Abu’l-Mansur Khan’s grandsons imitated their fathers and started warring one upon the other; at the same time, they engaged in skirmishes against the Russians and attacked the Kokand Khanate, which invaded most of the territory of the Great Horde. When it became clear that the Kazakhs had to unite against the Russians, they did so, but it was too late. After many battles and retreats, the Kazakhs were betrayed by the Kirghiz, and in 1847, the Russian armies invaded finally the Kazakh capitals Hazrat-e-Turkistan (presently Turkistan) and Syghanaq (currently Sighnaq), thus officially abolishing the Kazakh Khanate. It was at that time that Eset Kotibaruli (1803–1889) started his rebellion (1847–1858).
The Russian Conquest of Kazakhstan was not an easy affair and it was carried out gradually, because the czars were deeply involved in European affairs, there warring against all major nations of Central and Eastern Europe; even more so because Russia was threatened by France at the times of Napoleon. The failed Russian attack against the Khanate of Khiva (1839) proved that the czarist army necessitated enormous resources to entirely invade Central Asia. Whereas the Kazakh Khanate was invaded from north to south, the rest of Central Asia was conquered from east to west. During these invasions, the Russians had to also to squelch the rebellion launched in 1870 by the Adai (Russian: Адай, Адайцы; Kazakh: Адайлар) clan of the Minor Horde in the Mangyshlak (Мангышлак) Peninsula by the Caspian Seaside.
The czarist armies advanced to Semirechye (‘Seven Rivers’ Land’ in Eastern Kazakhstan) in 1847-1850, Almaty (1854), Hazrat-e-Turkistan (1864; re-captured from the Kokand Khanate), Tashkent (1865), Khojand and Bukhara (1866), Samarqand (1868), Khiva (1873), Kokand (1876) and, last of all, Turkmenistan (1879-1885, involving Geok Tepe, Merv, and Panjdeh). Only the Pamirs, in the area of today’s borders between Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan from one side and China from the other side, were conquered last, due to the extremely harsh mountainous terrain (1872-1895). In fact, the current borderline between Kazakhstan and China was demarcated in 1851 (Treaty of Kulja) and 1864 (Treaty of Tarbagatai) between Romanov Russia and Qing China. About:
Nikolay Karazin, Russian troops in Tashkent 1865Nikolay Karazin, Russian troops in Samarkand 1868Nikolay Karazin, Russian troops in Khiva 1873Central Asia, Semirechye, and Eastern TurkestanSemirechye (Семиречье) – Zhetisu (Жетісу) – Land of Seven RiversImperial Russian map of the Seven Rivers’ Region, 1913N. N. Karazin. Explanation of the Middle horde – 1891 From: https://rus-turk.livejournal.com/249552.html
VII. In Kazakhstan, Siberia, and Central Asia, there was never Russian Colonization
A lot of ink has been spilled on the topic of the czarist ‘colonial’ empire, but in vain; this fabricated accusation consists merely in Anglo-French colonial propaganda, as per which their enemy (i.e. Russia) ‘had’ to be as criminal and as pestiferous as they were. The racist, absurd and paranoid anti-Russian propaganda of the colonial powers England and France (and later America) was continued with the formation of an entire anti-Soviet ‘block’. It ends up with the current anti-Russian paroxysm, but this phenomenon is partly due to the czarist, soviet and republican Russian elites who made the colossal mistake to consider the English and the French (and more recently the Americans, the Canadians, the Australians and the Israelis) as ‘normal’, ‘regular’ and ‘real’ states or nations whereas they are not; however, this is a totally different issue.
There is nothing properly ‘colonial’ in the Russian expansion in Siberia and Central Asia; in fact, it consists in land occupation and annexation of several, ethnically and culturally similar, Asiatic nations. Irrespective of the expansion phase, namely the conquest of the Khanate of Sibir (Siberia) or the seizure of the Kazakh Khanate, the Russian advance does not have anything in common with the Anglo-French overseas adventures and the criminal financial exploitation of the colonized nations by Paris and London. The Russian military differed greatly from the racist Western European colonial invaders, who denigrated, belittled and vilified their victims. The Russian expansion in Siberia, North Asia, and Central Asia did not come with political subjugation, cultural disfigurement, educational distortion, intellectual alteration, socio-behavioral subjection and spiritual falsification.
One may contend that spectacular changes took indeed place in the occupied territories of Siberia, Northeastern Asia, Kazakhstan, and the rest of Central Asia; that is true, but the real nature of these changes was technological modernization. In other words, there was not a real Russification (or Russianization / Русификация) as it had happened earlier and more specifically during the formative years of the Moscow principality (vassal state of the Golden Horde) and the so-called Tsardom of Russia, i.e. during the reigns of Ivan III (1462-1505), Vasili III (1505-1533), and Ivan IV (1533-1584). It was then that the populations living in the territories under control by the three aforementioned vassal rulers were exposed to intense Russianization and Christianization, because they were Turanian in their outright majority. This fact makes of today’s Russians a preponderantly Turkic (or Turanian) nation.
In reality, modernization would come to Central Asia and more specifically to Kazakhstan one way or another; it does not make any difference if it was launched by Alexander II or initiated by a Kazakh military officer acting in total similarity with Mustafa Kemal Ataturk in Turkey few decades later. Indeed, modernization is modernization; and both Russians and Kazakhs are fraternal nations of the same, Asiatic origin, Turanian ancestry, and Oriental culture. There are many, who would disagree with this down-to-earth approach, but this would only be their own mistake. Those who hold a different view on the topic present contrasting pictures of Russia and Central Asia in the 19th c.; but if we don’t take into account the modernization dimension, there was no difference at all between the Russian-speaking and the non-Russian speaking subjects of the czars.
The false, contrasting pictures of Russia and Central Asia in the 19th c. and in the early 20th c., which are presented as ‘proofs’ by Western European and North American historians and colonial forgers, are uneven indeed; the false contrast involves the comparison of the Westernized Russian elite, i.e. a minimal fraction of the entire population, and the then recently annexed nations of Central Asia, namely the Kazakhs, the Uzbeks, etc. But this is a vicious distortion. History is not and cannot be the ‘history’ of the elites and their ideas, erroneous delusions and pathetic obsessions; History is the History of Nations, i.e. the description of the spirituality, the faith, the culture, the achievements, the exploits, and the behaviors of the peoples.
When, at a certain moment and in a specific country, the king and the people are one, there is absolute cultural unity and homogeneity between the ruling elite and the average people; this occurred at the times of Ramses III, Tiglath-pileser III, Darius I, Harun al Rashid, Timur (Tamerlane) and many others. But when the elite are totally detached from the average people and the locally prevailing culture, it is absolutely impermissible for historians to portray a people and a nation after the image of their local elite. This erroneous historiography is misleading and unrepresentative. In other words, if we speak about the Russian Empire in 1900, we cannot afford to take Anton Chekhov as a ‘representative’ specimen of the Russian culture and civilization; quite contrarily, the average people in Moscow, Ryazan, Saratov. Astrakhan, Kazan, Baku, Tashkent, Bukhara, Khiva, Almaty and elsewhere were the correct, genuine representatives of the authentic local culture: they were ‘Russia’.
In fact, the misperception of the cultural difference between Russians, Kazakhs and other non-Russian natives across the czarist empire is due to the Westernization of part of the imperial elite; but this development constituted in reality the Western European colonization of Russia. It did not have a military dimension, but it took all the other dimensions of the obnoxious and calamitous practice, namely financial (foreign investment), intellectual (diffusion of Western European ideas, theories and ideologies), artistic (concerted effort of the Russian elite to demonstrate their fake ‘European’ identity), cultural, educational (blind imitation of the Western European systems), academic (dependence of Russian scholars on their Western European counterparts’ methods and approaches), socio-behavioral and political (Western ambassadors’ pressure for parliamentary reforms).
Russia’s colonization had started under Peter I, but it never penetrated the local masses. Even as late as the time of Nikolai (Nicholas) II, it affected much less than 10% of the total population. But the Westernization of part of Russia’s imperial elite was, in true terms, sheer De-Russianization; meanwhile Russian Orientalism was totally different from the vicious Anglo-French doctrine and fallacy. Even when it comes to Russian Classical Music and Opera, the Queen of Spades (Пиковая дама) finds its Oriental counterpart in the Tale of Tsar Saltan (Сказка о царе Салтане), the Enchantress (Чародейка) has as counterweight the Invisible City of Kitezh and the Maiden Fevroniya (Сказание о невидимом граде Китеже и деве Февронии), and Eugene Onegin (Евгений Онегин) finds its opposite in the Golden Cockerel (Золотой петушок).
The Russian academic and military elites did not have an accurate and pertinent scientific knowledge about Central Asiatic nations, literatures, faiths, religions, spirituality, folklore and traditions. The Westernization of the czarist elites was the main reason for this lack of correct perception, extensive study, and thorough research; this phenomenon constituted in fact a great success for the colonial powers, France and England, which formed in this regard a catastrophic wedge between the Russians and the nations invaded by the czarist armies. It is true that Russian Turanology (or Turkology), Iranology, Sinology, Ethnography, History of Religions, Art History, History, Linguistics started late (around the end of the 18th c.); even worse and with respect to methodology, the Russian academics followed the false colonial model of Western Orientalism. This was an academic, military and national disaster for Imperial Russia.
Czarist Russia promoted an incorporation strategy, which hinged on the following six axes:
a- Czarist settlements throughout Central Asia
b- Denomadization (or sedentarization) of the Kazakhs and other Turanian nations
c- Abolition of slavery and serfdom
d- Administrative organization
e- Introduction of modern technology and, more particularly, construction of railways
f- Russian language in the education
a- Czarist settlements
Some of these axes are apparently interconnected; more czarist settlers decided to move from regions west of the Ural Mountains and relocate to parts of Central Asia after the construction of the railways. It is therefore normal that the settlements were near the main lines or close to earlier built fortresses. In fact, this practice was not new, as Muscovites and others had already started settling in parts of Northern Asia, after the conquest of the Khanate of Sibir (Siberia), at the end of the 16th c.
An independent organization, the Migration Department (Переселенческое Управление), was set up in St. Petersburg to duly supervise and streamline the trend. As the territory of the Kazakh Khanate was far larger than that of all the other Turanian Central Asiatic khanates, it is quite normal that more czarist subjects relocated there than to the area of the other four Central Asiatic countries. In current terms, the area of Kazakhstan (2725000 km2) is more than double the territory of Turkmenistan (491000 km2), Uzbekistan (449000 km2), Kyrgyzstan (200000 km2) and Tajikistan (143000 km2). Although many nations or ethnic-religious groups were forced to relocate under the Soviet rule, the aforementioned reality lasted down to our days.
However, to be accurate, one must admit that the czarist settlers were of quite diverse ethnic background; they were not only ‘Russians’, but also Germans, Tatars, Ukrainians, Byelorussians, Jews, Armenians, and others. Today, Russian natives in Kazakhstan outnumber by far the Russian ethnic minorities in the other four Central Asiatic states; their percentage is 18.9% in Kazakhstan, 5.6% in Kyrgyzstan, 2.2% in Turkmenistan, 2.1% in Uzbekistan, and 0.4% in Tajikistan. In total, ca. 400000 czarist subjects relocated to Kazakhstan in the 2nd half of the 19th c. and about 1000000 people moved there in the 1st half of the 20th c.
Thanks to the Russian, German, Cossack and other settlers, Christianity was diffused again in the wider region of Central Asia during the 19th century, after having been eradicated for about 500 years; of course, the earlier phase of Christianity in Central Asia, which antedates the arrival of Islam in the region, concerns Nestorianism and the presence of the Eastern Christian Church of the East Syriac Rite (which was based in Ctesiphon/Mahoze). However, Nestorian Christianity had disappeared around 1400. With the Russian settlers already established in the region, a Christian Orthodox bishopric was established there in 1871, based first in Almaty (former Verniy) and after 1916 in Tashkent.
The ruins of the old, stone cathedral of Verniy are due to earthquake; 1887.
b- Denomadization (or sedentarization)
The Kazakh resistance against the czarist rule was neither a Muslim–Christian divide nor a Slavic-Turanian (or Turkic) rivalry; it did not have either ethnic or religious character in the beginning. On the contrary, it concerned mainly the denomadization (or sedentarization) process. The czarist rule brought about a tremendous socio-economic change, making it impossible for the traditional nomadic organization to exist. This caused a terrible destruction, involving economic disaster, dismantlement of the Kazakh tribes, socio-behavioral shock, and even famine. The eradication of the normal Kazakh lifestyle and the creation of structures hitherto unknown made it impossible for many to survive, and the entire Central Asia was plunged into poverty and destitution.
When land and water were given to settlers, the Kazakh formed the first nuclei of resistance against the czarist discrimination. Several other reasons for the Kazakh resistance appeared later, but in fact they were all due to the czarist mismanagement of the conquered lands. The czarist administration had no idea what programs were needed for the straightforward sedentarization of an entire nation. As the Romanovs ruled the newly invaded territories as Western lords, they triggered indignation. The Russian dynasty paid dearly for her naivety to view Central Asia only in terms of the Great Game, and not as a union of Oriental peoples, cultures and traditions. That’s why the Romanovs got the hit from the back, and in 1916 the entire Central Asia was out of the czarist control.
c- Abolition of slavery
Slavery existed among various Central and Northern Asiatic nations in different forms, starting from the typical case of a war prisoner. Since the middle of the 16th c., there were different types of slavery in Russia, which also involved slave trade. The household slaves and the state slaves constituted only one category, whereas the serfs were unfree peasants who could be sold only with the land that they labored. Peter I ended slavery in 1723, thus turning the slaves into serfs, but the abolition of serfdom took place only in 1861 with the Emancipation reform introduced by the Freemason czar Alexander II (Александр II Николаевич; 1813-1881; ruled from 1881 until the day of his assassination by a group of monstrous Zionist gangsters).
Alexander II frees the serfs. Александр II освобождает крепостных. From: https://lenta.ru/articles/2015/03/07/altwo/The evil English hysteria unleashed: in a cartoon from the London Punch magazine (1863), the Russian Czar and the American President are depicted as tyrants, under the paranoid label “Extremes meet”; Abraham Lincoln addresses Alexander II with the words: “I see that we are both in the same situation: you are with your Poles, I am with the southern rebels”. From: https://историк.рф/journal/15/aleksandr-avraam-i-drugie-ofitsialnyie-litsa-6f.html
In Central Asia, the slave trade had flourished for several hundreds of years; Iran, the Central Asiatic khanates, Russia, and the Ottoman Empire were involved in the process. The major markets for slave trade were Kara-Köl (Каракуль) in Kyrgyzstan, Karshi (Карши), Samarkand and Bukhara in Uzbekistan, and Chardzhou (چهارجوی – Чарджоу; present day Türkmenabat) in Turkmenistan.
Slaves were liberated throughout the annexed parts of Kazakhstan in 1859. The advancing Russian armies terminated slavery in Bukhara, Samarqand and Khiva in the 1870s; the last to be liberated were the slaves of the area of Turkmenistan. Several thousands of Iranians and Russians were then allowed to go free back to their countries.
d- Administrative organization
The territory of the Kazakh Khanate underwent a true trichotomy; this was due to the formation of the Governor-Generalship of (Russian) Turkestan (Туркестанское генерал-губернаторство) and the Governor-Generalship of the Steppe (Степное); the former was established in 1867 and it included the regions of Trans-Caspian (Закаспийская), Samarkand, Semirechensk (Seven Rivers’ Land/ Семиреченская), Syr-Darya, and Fergana regions, i.e. the southern parts of today’s Kazakhstan, parts of Uzbekistan, and also most of Turkmenistan’s territory. Its capital was located in Tashkent.
The Governor-Generalship of the Steppe (Степное генерал-губернаторство) was established in 1882 with capital at Omsk, in today’s Russia; it comprised parts of Siberia, the Kazakh steppe (i.e. today’s northern and eastern regions of Kazakhstan), and parts of Kyrgyzstan. Its main subdivisions were Semipalatinsk (today’s Semey; Семипалатинская) and Akmola (Акмолинская; the region around today’s Nur-sultan, which was founded in 1830 as Akmoly only to be renamed as Akmolinsk two years later, Tselinograd in 1961, Astana in 1998, and Nursultan in 2019). For 17 years, the Seven Rivers’ Land (Semirechensk) was transferred to the authority of the Governor-Generalship of the Steppe, but in 1899, it was returned to the Turkestan Governor-Generalship.
Last, the northwestern part of Kazakhstan had already been part of the Orenburg Governorate (Оренбургская губерния), which was established in 1744.
The administrative organization of the newly conquered lands was connected with considerable military deployment and construction of defensive lines; many Russian fortresses were built on Kazakh territory during the 2nd half of the 19th c., notably at 1) Novo-Aleksandrovsky (1846; Ново-Александровский; known as Fort-Aleksandrovskii / Форт-Александровский between 1857 and 1939; currently known as Fort-Shevchenko / Форт-Шевченко) on the Mengystau Peninsula by the Caspian Sea side,
2) Fort-Perovsky (1853; Форт-Перовский; today’s Kyzylorda/ Кызылорда) east of Aral Lake,
3) Syr-Darya fort No. 1 (1853; Сыр-Дарьинский форт № 1; today’s Kazaly / Казалинск / Қазалы) east of Aral Lake, and
4) Almaty (1854; Верный – Укрепление Верное / Fort Verny), Kazakhstan’s former capital.
The interconnection between imperial administration and the army is also attested in the cumulation of two roles, namely that of the governor-general and military officer.
e- Introduction of modern technology and, more particularly, construction of railways
As Russia was systematically dragged by the colonial Western powers into the racist delusion of European superiority, it was only normal that the Westernized elite of Russia deployed an enormous effort to imitate the practices and the novelties, the techniques and the applications, the changes and the trends launched by England and France, imitated by Germany, Austria-Hungary, Italy, Japan, the US, Mexico, Brazil and Spain, followed by diverse smaller states, and imposed on the Anglo-French colonies. The implementation and expansion of railway networks became a matter of ferocious competition among kingdoms, republics, colonial empires, and even decadent and obsolete states like Qing China, Qajar Iran, and the Ottoman Empire during the 19th and the early 20th c.
It is undeniable that the railways played a critical role in the colonial balance of power worldwide for many reasons. For Imperial Russia, the world’s largest contiguous empire in the beginning of the 20t h c., the expansion of railway networks would play and did indeed play a vital role in the consolidation of the territorial enlargement that the czarist armies had made possible. The Russian defeat in the Russian-Japanese War (8 February 1904 – 5 September 1905) fully proved that the construction of the Trans-Siberian railway (21 June 1904) was completed insufficient (initially, it consisted of one track) and quite tardy (if completed 5 years earlier, it would definitely change the war outcome). It was apparently a mistake of the czarist administration to start such a critically important project with a so considerable delay.
In Kazakhstan and the wider region of Central Asia, the first railway infrastructure undertaking was the construction of the Trans-Caspian railway (Закаспийская железная дорога); it started only in 1879 and first, it connected Uzun Ada (Узун-Ада), a harbor on the eastern shore of the Caspian Sea, with Ashgabat, Merv, Turkmenabat (in today’s Turkmenistan), Bukhara and Samarqand (in today’s Uzbekistan). It was completed in 1888 (ca. 1500 km). In 1895, the Caspian Sea terminal was transferred to Krasnovodsk (Красноводск; today’s Turkmenbashi/ Түркменбашы/ توركمنباشی). In 1898-1901, the railway was extended to Tashkent and Andijan, and in 1905 a train ferry started linking Krasnovodsk with Baku in Russian Azerbaijan. The English colonial gangster and statesman George Curzon (1859-1925), who visited Central Asia and Russia in 1888-1889, described the construction of the Trans-Caspian railway as a threat for the English colonial plans in the Great Game – a statement that highlights the importance of the project and the size of the criminal English intensions and targets.
For the period 1891-1904, Russia undertook the epic effort to construct the Trans-Siberian railway (Транссибирская магистрал), which is =still today- the world’s longest railway line with over 9200 km. Presently, the Trans-Siberian does not cross any part of Kazakhstan, but when it was constructed it crossed Siberian cities, which served as the headquarters of administrative divisions that comprised vast parts of today’s Kazakhstan, notably Omsk.
The Tashkent railway (Ташкентская железная дорога), which is also known as Trans-Aral railway, was constructed in several stages between 1887 and 1906 to finally connect St. Petersburg and Moscow with Central Asia, and thus consolidate the czarist rule in the newly conquered lands. The most critical stage (1905-1906) was the construction of the part of the railway, which linked Orenburg (Оренбург) with Kandagach (currently Kandyagash / Кандагач – Қандыағаш), Kazalinsk (currently Kazaly / Казалинск – Қазалы), Dzhusaly (presently Zhosaly / Джусалы – Жосалы), Arys (Арысь – Арыс), and Tashkent (Ташкент). Last, with the construction of the Kinel-Orenburg section (1905), the Trans-Aral railway was attached to the Samara-Zlato-ust (Златоуст: lit. ‘St John Chrysostom city’) railway. This has been mainly known as Kuybyshev railway (куйбышевская железная дорога), because Samara was renamed as Kuybyshev from 1935 until 1991. In 1913, the Trans-Aral railway had a length of ca. 2200 km, 552 steam locomotives, 7853 freight carriages and 655 passenger coaches.
However, for the proper railway connection of Central Asia with Siberia, one had to wait until the 1920s and 1930s. It was only then that the Turkestan–Siberia railway (known as Турксиб: туркестано сибирская магистраль) was constructed (ca. 2400 km; 1926-1931). This railway connected Tashkent (Uzbekistan), Shymkent, Taraz, (Kazakhstan), Bishkek, Balykshy (Kyrgyzstan), Shu (Kazakhstan), and Almaty, with Semipalatinsk (Semey), Pavlodar (in Kazakhstan) and with Barnaul (Барнаул кала) and Novosibirsk (which had been built in 1893 as Novonikolaevsk) in Russia (then USSR).
Imperial Russia had 23000 km of track in 1880; the network increased to 31000 km in 1890, 51000 km in 1905 and 81000 in 1917. However, during WWI and the Russian Civil War ca. 60% of the railway network and no less than 80% of the locomotives and coaches were destroyed. The Soviet governments had to start almost from scratch. About:
After the Russian military officers, settlers, administrators, engineers and priests appeared progressively in the lands of the invaded and abolished Kazakh Khanates and other Central Asiatic states, it was the turn of the teachers and the schools to emerge. All the same, across all these newly conquered and annexed lands, no universities were built before the two revolutions of 1917, the Russian Civil War, the chaotic situations that prevailed in Central Asia in the late 1910s and the early 1920s, and the consolidation of the Soviet rule. According to what I already have repeatedly stated, the destructive Westernization of Imperial Russia was such that, out of twelve (12) universities functioning at the time of Nikolai II, only one was located in Asia, and more specifically in Siberia, namely the Imperial Tomsk University (established in 1878).
All those, who -based on idiotic Islamist doctrines or Pan-Turanianist (Pan-Turkist) dogmas- accuse Russia of implementing imperialist agendas and carrying out vast Russification campaigns, are talking nonsense. These false accusations consist merely in ludicrous English, French and American propaganda and in anti-Russian racist paroxysm. Even before the conquest and unification of Central Asia, the imperial administration did indeed set up (as early as 1828) schools with instruction in Azeri, Georgian and Armenian in the Caucasus region. In 1850, the state educational network comprised already of Christian, Muslim (Tatar), Jewish and Caucasian schools.
However, a major landmark took place in 1864 with the far-reaching novelties and the educational transformation introduced with the Statute on Elementary Public Schools (Положение о начальных народных училищах), which reflected the modernization efforts and ideas of Alexander II. As per the Statute, elementary education was open for the first time to all social strata. Education in Lithuanian, Latvian, Estonian and other languages became the norm, whereas particular programs were launched in Finland and Poland.
Around 1870, the educational system expanded to other nations of the empire, involving the introduction of new, Cyrillic alphabets created for the languages of the Muslims and the Buddhists. Further legislation detailed the modalities and specified the curricula, whereas civil society organizations emerged due to the commitment of teachers and instructors. One must bear in mind that illiteracy was very high, and as per the 1897 census, there were only three (3) literate people out of ten (10) subjects of Imperial Russia (29.6%; 44.4% and 15.4% respectively among men and women); in rural areas, less than one out of four persons (24.6%) was literate.
However, in Central Asia, the situation was calamitously worse, and analphabetism was the overwhelming norm; this undeniable fact strikes a blow on all arguments recently made by Islamist and Pan-Turanianist (Pan-Turkist) propagandists, who speak against the Imperial Russian invasion and annexation of Kazakhstan and the rest of Central Asia. Only 8% of Kazakhs, 8% of Turkmens, 4% of Uzbeks, 3% of Kirghiz, and 2% of Tajiks were literate in 1897. That is why it is absolutely absurd and totally misleading to describe the implementation of the imperial language policy as a “tool of russification”; such an approach does not originate from academic research but consists in political propaganda. Example: Ayaz Ahmad, Sana Hussan, Syed Ali Shah; Russification of Muslim Central Asia: An Overview of Language, Culture and Society, in: Global Regional Review (GRR), vol. 2 no 1 (2017), p. 75 (https://www.grrjournal.com/jadmin/Auther/31rvIolA2LALJouq9hkR/IdfqKhkYv5.pdf)
These blind propagandists are unable to realize that, if the Imperial Russian conquest of Central Asia did not take place, the tenebrous warring factions of the Kazakhs, the Uzbeks, the Turkmens, the Tajiks and the Kirghiz would continue fighting against one another, while remaining illiterate and uneducated, and living in abject poverty and abysmal ignorance, because their civilized past had long gone. Even worse, all these Muslim nations would become the prey of the criminal English colonials, who would diffuse among them the Satanic doctrines of Political Islam and Wahhabism, therefore plunging these nations to extreme evilness, total inhumanity, and unprecedented self-destruction.
In reality, the introduction of Russian in the primary and secondary education as the main means of communication throughout the empire was normal, because it was the official language of the empire; the incorporation of all the schools into the state educational network helped the educationally, pedagogically, and academically underdeveloped regions catch up with the advanced ones. Due to the new, Cyrillic alphabets created for several Central Asiatic languages, millions of young Kazakhs, Uzbeks, Turkmens, Tajiks and Kirghiz were able to flock to universities and form internationally acknowledged scholars; Kazakhstan, more in particular, became an academically leading state (SSR) within the USSR.
Central Asia retained several distinctive features within Imperial Russia, notably the traditional courts with the qadis, and the communal administration by the elders (being generally known as Aqsaqal/ Аксакал, i.e. the white bearded ones, but more specifically divided into four categories shal/ шал, kariya/ кария, aqsaqal/ аксакал and абыз/abyz).
Bilingual education was introduced in Russian Turkestan as early as 1884; the new schools were called Русско-туземные школы (Russian-native schools). The first bilingual school opened in Tashkent. The curricula comprised courses similar to those in all the educational establishments in other regions of the empire, and a basic curriculum of traditional Islamic education (as in a typical madrasah or maktab). Native teachers took care of this part. In the beginning, only few schoolchildren attended the courses. In 1901, throughout the Russian Turkestan, there were 45 schools of this type; in 1905, they increased to 82′ and in 1912, they totaled 89. About:
Totally biased presentation: Ulrich Hofmeister, Civilization and Russification in Tsarist Central Asia, 1860–1917; in: Journal of World History, vol. 27, no. 3, 2016, pp. 411–42 (JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/44631473)
IX. The Jadid Movement as the foundation of all Modern Turanian Muslim Nations in Eastern Europe, Central Asia, and Siberia: the Historical Roots
The long Russian-Turanian educational consociation and complementarity were mainly due to the leading role played by the Tatars, who had already coexisted with the Russians for more than 300 years. It was therefore only normal that the Central Asiatic nations were influenced by the intellectual, educational, socio-behavioral and theoretical systems devised and the ideas and approaches diffused by the Kazan and Crimea Tatars. This is an important parameter of the Russian-Turanian coexistence during the late 19th and the 20th centuries. The Jadid Movement was set up initially by Tatar intellectuals and modernists, who preached a new approach to education and social organization. The leading figures, the intellectuals, and the followers of this trend organized several groups and launched experimental schools that would and did indeed change dramatically the educational landscape among the Muslims in Central and Northern Asia and in Eastern Europe.
The term Jadid (جديد) is an Arabic word meaning ‘new’; the educational system, its theoretical background, and the associated ideology were called Jadidiyah (جديدية). In Russian, the terms were retained: Джадид and Джадидизм. The same happened in Turkish: Cedidci and Cedidcilik. As the word denotes, the promoters of these ideas wanted to introduce innovative concepts and astounding reforms to the traditional religious education of all the Muslims irrespective of location or ethnic origin. They denigrated the Islamic religious authorities, namely the qadis, the ulamas and the imams/sheikhs, whom they considered -quite rightfully- illiterate and idiotic.
From the Mollah Nasraddin magazine of the illustrious Azeri Jadidist intellectual Omar Faig Nemanzadeh (Ömər Faiq Nemanzadə/Омар Фаик Неманзаде) From: https://realnoevremya.ru/articles/33803
There is a tendency among Western colonial historiographers to equate the Jadid Movement with the İttihat ve Terakki (Committee of Union and Progress) Movement (also known as Young Turks/ Genç Türkler) in the last decades of the Ottoman Empire. But this is very wrong indeed; in reality, the Jadid intellectuals in Russia wanted to and did actually introduce groundbreaking reforms and irrevocable changes that found their parallel in the formidable state of Kemal Ataturk.
The notorious 1910 cartoon that was published in Mollah Nasraddin magazine: it illustrated the progress of the Western countries in contrast with the state of sloth and uselessness in which the high lands of historical great civilizations were fallen. Materials like this poster do indeed highlight the community of ideas and world perceptions between the Jadidist intellectuals and Kemal Ataturk. From: https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Молла_Насреддин https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Molla_Nasraddin_(magazine)
That is why the Jadid intellectuals also functioned as the formative threshold of all the Muslims of Imperial Russia to the world of Marxism-Leninism and to the state founded by Lenin; actually, the imperial elite disliked the Jadid Movement, as it looked quite secular and republican to them. This was a serious mistake committed by the czarist authorities, and it was due to their traditional, deeply-seated hatred of Islam and mistrust of Muslims. However, this was not the opinion of all the Russians at the time, as biased Western scholars tend to pretend (a very typical example: Jeff Sabadeo, Progress or peril: migrants and locals in Russian Tashkent, 1906-1914; in the collective volume Peopling the Russian Periphery: Borderland Colonization in Eurasian History, London, 2007).
The very beginning of the Jadid Movement cannot be easily discerned; however a certain relationship can be delineated with the few remaining (late 18th and early 19th c.) Muslim mystics, erudite polymaths, and repositories of traditional Islamic scientific knowledge: these were the few authoritative visionaries who systematically and resolutely rejected the cholera of the Constantinopolitan Sunni pseudo-Islamic theology and jurisprudence, which had already -since the end of the 16th century- spread the darkness, the ignorance, the barbarism, the depravity, and the wickedness of the Satanic systems of Ahmed ibn Hanbal and Ahmed ibn Taimiyyah. These few Muslim mystics and scholars knew that Islamic science was very much hated, reviled and therefore prohibited by the Ottoman theological elite, which was the sole reason for the decadence, disintegration and disappearance of the Islamic Civilization; they were therefore quite happy to be far from Ottoman Constantinople, the epicenter of every anti-Islamic and anti-Turkish evildoing.
a- Gadbrahim Utiz-Imiani al-Bulgari
One can find in the works of the Tatar mystic, poet, scholar and educator Gabdrahim ibn Usman ibn Sarmaki ibn Krym (who was rather known as Gadbrahim Utiz-Imiani al-Bulgari / Габдрахим Утыз-Имяни аль Булгари; 1752-1836) a very strong criticism of the rich, materialistic, parsimonious, individualistic and villainous imams, sheikhs and mullahs. At the same time, the commentary that Gabdrahim composed for the book ‘Resurrection of the sciences of faith’ (Iḥya Ulum al-Din; إحياء علوم الدين) by great Iranian mystic, wise elder, and scholar Abu Hamid Al-Ghazali (1058-1111; أبو حامد الغزالي) lets us discern in Gabdrahim’s intentions an effort to revive the Islamic sciences of the Golden Era of Islamic Civilization.
Габдрахим утыз-имяни аль булгари мечеть в Казани – Gadbrahim Utiz-Imiani al-Bulgari Mosque in Kazan
b- Taj al-Din Yalchygul
Similar perceptions of the Islamic past, and parallel approaches to, concepts of, and intentions for the revival of the Muslim World can be found in the works of the Bashkir mystic, therapist, historian, poet, pilgrim and renowned traveler Taj al-Din Yalchygul (1768-1838; Таджетдин Ялчыгул), who is known for his Таварих-и Булгария (History of Bulgaria), which is a typical Asiatic Shajara (usually oral, genealogical historical legend of a tribe or group of tribes); in this case, the name ‘Bulgaria’ is a mere reminder of Volga Bulgaria and of the earlier Turanian nomad nations, whereas the main narrative establishes a sketch of Bashkir History.
c- Nigmatullah Toukaev
The same concerns the Tatar Nigmatullah Toukaev (1772-1844; Тукаев Нигматулла ибн Биктимер ибн Тукай аль-Стерли), a major mystic, tarkhan (Turkic nobleman), imam of mosque and madrasa, multilingual author, manuscript copyist, and erudite polymath, who spent all his money to collect historical manuscripts. He placed at the epicenter of a Muslim’s life three fundamental elements, namely ethics, knowledge and hard work. He thus categorically denounced the incredible sloth in which the Ottoman Constantinopolitan theologians plunged their Muslim subjects in order to control them and eliminate opposition to their idiotic plans, which finally destroyed the Ottoman Empire.
Other mystics, poets, wise polymaths, and enlightened intellectuals, who realized the extent of the spiritual, cultural, intellectual, scientific, and educational collapse of the Islamic World, and tried to change and improve this situation, are:
d- Ghabdennasir Qursawi
The Tatar theologian, intellectual, imam of mosque and madrasa, reformer and educator Ghabdennasir Qursawi (1776-1812; Габденнасыр Курсави), opposed the Maturidi theological school, and decried the conservative theologians, repeatedly debating with them in public and proving them erroneous and obnoxious for the Muslims. Qursawi was persecuted by the immoral, materialist, utilitarianist and reprobate sheikhs and imams whose decisions were exclusively based on their own dirty interests (for the defense of which they used to shamelessly mobilize their theological skills). Although incessantly persecuted during his life, Qursawi won a staggering posthumous victory by attracting the outright majority of Tatars, as well as of other Muslims of the Russian Empire to his ideas, concepts and approaches. After performing Hajj, he contracted cholera and died in Istanbul.
The Tatar Shigabutdin Marjani (1818-1889; Шигабутдин Марджани) was a historian, ethnographer, Orientalist, theologian and educator, who after studying in Bukhara and Samarqand, returned to Russia, lived and preached in Kazan and Orenburg, and proved to be the first to diffuse secular principles and approaches to education and social life among Russia’s Muslims. He was one of the most conscious Muslims of the 19th c., as he well understood that due to the wrong theological schools, education and teachings, and owed to the ensued darkness, Muslims worldwide had entered the status of hibernation. He promoted a balanced education that would encompass their cultural heritage (Turanian past, Islamic sciences, and Iranian culture) and the Russian and European new ideas and technologies. Marjani’s extensive criticism of the Islamic theology, which had decayed and become a liability already in the 19th c., is quite appropriate and beneficial to study for 21st-century sheikhs, muftis and qadis from Turkey to Egypt to Saudi Arabia. The reforms of the madrasas that he evoked constitute an urgent need for the wrong and obsolete religious educational systems of today’s Muslims.
f- Ibrahim (Abai) Qunanbaiuly
The Kazakh Ibrahim (Abai) Qunanbaiuly {1845-1904; Абай (Ибрагим) Кунанбаев} was a poet, writer, composer, intellectual, cultural reformer, and the founder of Modern Kazakh Literature. He was the first promoter of the concept of a Muslim-Turanian rapprochement with the Russian-Western culture, which would take place on the basis of the historical tradition preserved by the enlightened Muslims (i.e. the repository of the heritage of the Golden Era of Islamic Civilization), therefore totally excluding and rejecting the contemporary, uneducated, ignorant and conservative, Muslim theologians. That’s why all the leaders of the Alash Movement (see below: part X units f, u, v, x and y; part XI and part XIV) constantly referred to his works, texts and ideas.
One of the leading Jadidists (джадидисты), Ismail Gaspirali (İsmail Gaspıralı /Исмаил Гаспринский; 1851-1914) launched in 1884 in Crimea an experimental school, which had a tremendous success and became the reference model for many other similar educational institutions. Several Tatar intellectuals contributed to the establishment of a new pedagogical approach and innovative curricula involving World History, Geography, Mathematics, and Science. They met opposition from the outdated religious authorities for which they coined the term Кадимизм (Kadimism) from the Arabic word قديم (kadim), which means ‘ancient’; of course, the use was derogatory, but actually true and correct. The Jadidists rejected the traditional Islamic system of education, demonstrating that it was absolutely unable to equip students with skills and knowledge needed in the modern world and to form adequately prepared elites well versed in modern technologies.
However, the Jadidists were intellectuals, activists and militants, who did not have time to extensively explore, evaluate and analyze the issue through a historical viewpoint; they therefore generated a misplaced divide (the ‘new’ vs. the ‘old’ or ‘modern science’ vs. ‘Islamic theology’), whereas in reality, 19th and 20th c. Islamic theology is a distorted, meaningless and useless leftover of the historical Islamic sciences, which had long decayed and were abandoned, because of the gradual diffusion of the catastrophic indoctrination of the Muslim populations with the obscurantist pseudo-Islamic theories of ignorant theologians like Ahmed ibn Hanbal, Ahmed ibn Taimiyyah, and Muhammad ibn Abdelwahhab.
Thinking that they were properly educating the pupils and accurately teaching the Islamic sciences, the ignorant sheikhs and the idiotic imams of the 17th-19th c. were indeed renegades, who totally abandoned and absolutely forgot the true, historical Islamic sciences. That’s why they reduced their curricula to few topics and to wrong interpretations of the Quran and the Hadith. About:
X. The 25 most Illustrious Intellectuals, Scholars, Activists and Politicians of the Jadid Movement
Among the leading intellectuals of the Jadid Movement, the following 25 thinkers, scholars, journalists and politicians were the most illustrious and the most influential:
a- Ismail Gaspirali (Gasprinsky)
The Crimean Tatar Ismail Gaspirali (Gasprinsky/see also above: part IX no g) was a remarkable intellectual and politician, and stood critically against the decay of the traditional Muslim social life and education, denouncing the idiotic imams who had failed to understand the changes that were taking place at those days. He launched newspapers and journals to fight against the obscurantism of the traditional theologians; he organized several congresses, and traveled extensively. He spearheaded publications for women and children, and mobilized his family for this purpose. More specifically, he was one of the most committed activists in the Ittifaq al-Muslimin (اتفاق المسلمين / Иттифак аль-Муслимин / Union of Muslims), i.e. the main organization and party of Muslims in the Russian Empire (which cooperated with the Kadet/Cadet Party, i.e. the Constitutional Democratic Party).
The Uzbek Abdurauf Fitrat (Абдурауф Фитрат; 1886-1938) is the intellectual whom my former professor Hélène Carrère d’Encausse considers as the real ideological leader of the Jadid Movement; he rejected the Bukharan emir, he sided with the Communists, and he held several positions in the soviet administration of Bukhara. Although he opposed several Jadid concepts in his early years, he soon became one of the most prominent proponents of the movement. Author, poet, journalist, theoretician, activist and politician, Fitrat wrote in many languages and traveled extensively. Acclaimed by the Bukharan Diaspora, he spent several years in the Ottoman Empire (Mecca and Istanbul) where he encountered -amongst others- the great mystic Şehbenderzâde (lit. ‘son of consul’) Filibeli (from Philippopolis) Ahmed Hilmi (1865-1914), a Bulgarian Turk born in Plovdiv, who combatted materialism and initiated Fitrat into the spirituality of Wahdat al Ujud (‘Unity of Being’). Fitrat’s books became very popular there, but the outbreak of WWI forced him to return to Bukhara where he became immediately an active member of the Young Bukharans (جوانبخارائیان; Yosh buxoroliklar; Genç Buharalılar; Младобухарцы), a typically Jadid organization.
He was able to combine many aspects of the Jadid Movement, feeling comfortable with Russian nationalism, Pan-Turanianism, Pan-Islamism (not to be confused with either Pan-Ottomanism or Political Islam), and Communism. More importantly, Abdurauf Fitrat was the first Muslim, Turanian and Soviet intellectual, who identified England, France and the US as the main enemies of the Muslim World and of the Mankind. He therefore called for a strategic alliance between Russia and the Muslim World in order to destroy the colonial empires of the West, a call that remains appropriate and timely even today. Fitrat held several ministerial positions, and carried out critically important work for the preservation of Uzbekistan’s cultural heritage, but after a certain period of time, his pan-Turanianist approaches and his contacts with Turkey and Afghanistan were viewed as dangerous for Soviet Union. Along with others, he was considered as ‘anti-revolutionary’ by Stalin and therefore executed in 1938.
c- Fayzullah Khodzhayev
The Uzbek Fayzullah Khodzhayev (Файзулла Убайдуллаевич Ходжаев; 1896-1938) originated from Bukhara. He was among the founders of the Young Bukharans, and in 1918, he tried to form a pro-Soviet government in Bukhara, reducing the power of the local emir, but in the process, he failed and had to escape to Taskkent, after losing several hundreds of partisans. He strongly combatted the Basmachi Revolt (see below) and the Young Turks’ leader Enver Pasha. This critical development serves as effective proof of the fact that the Jadid Movement had nothing in common with the ideas of the ill-fated Committee of Union and Progress (İttihad ve Terakki Cemiyeti/ إتحاد و ترقى جمعيتی), which exercised political power in the Ottoman Empire for several decades. Khodzhayev was the true leader (Chairman of the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee) of the short-lived Bukharan People’s Soviet Republic (a quasi-independent state recognized by Moscow; 1920-1924) and, after the redrawing of the borders in Soviet Central Asia, Chair of the Council of People’s Commissars of the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic. However, after 1929, he disagreed with Stalin’s policies for Uzbekistan, and he was subsequently executed in 1938.
The Tatar Mirsaid Sultan-Galiev (Мирсаид Хайдаргалиевич Султан-Галиев; 1892-1940) was a fervent communist who became known as one of the main proponents of the Muslim National Communism. Sultan-Galiev has been a worldwide leading critic of the Western European genocide of the indigenous nations of the Americas, and an early and remarkable champion of the dependency theory, as per which an eventual communist revolution in England would not change the imperialist-colonial nature of that state. Sultan-Galiev defended Bolshevism as the natural choice for all Tatars, Turanians and Muslims, offering as example the calamitous colonization process of entire continents by the Western powers and the ensuing destructions caused to great historical nations in Asia, Africa and America. Well-versed in World History, he published devastating criticisms of the uneducated and obsolete sheikhs and imams whose ignorance did indeed function in favor of the colonial powers. He actively participated in the Civil War and he had a strong relationship with Lenin, but unfortunately, after 1924, his pan-Islamist and pan-Turanian views (which however were all intertwined with Communism) were misinterpreted and after several years of exile and forced labor, he was executed in 1940. He was one of the best interconnected pioneers of the Jadid Movement, who progressively accepted Marxism-Leninism.
The Tatar Musa Yarulovich Bigiev (Муса Яруллович Бигеев; 1873-1949) was one of the most outstanding Turanian Muslim intellectuals and most committed activists in the Ittifaq al-Muslimin. He traveled extensively in young age, notably in Russia, in the Ottoman Empire (Mecca, Damascus, Istanbul, etc.), and in the English colonies of Egypt and India. With time, his trips increased, and in middle age, he moved even more considerably: in Turkey (where he attended several parliamentary sessions and met with leading statesmen, like Ismet Inonu), in Egypt and Saudi Arabia (as Soviet Muslim delegate in the Pan-Islamic Congresses), in China and Afghanistan (where he ran into exile in 1930), in the English colonies of Palestine and India, in Indonesia and Japan (invited by the famous 19th-20th c. Pan-Turanianist Abdurreshid Ibrahim / Абдурашид Гумерович Ибрагимов), and also in Germany. He too encountered many ups and downs in his relations with the Soviet government, although he was a passionate supporter of the Bolsheviks and he considered them as the best ally against the English and the French colonials.
In striking contrast with many other Jadid intellectuals, the Bashkir Muhammed-Gabdulkhay Kurbangaliev (Мухаммед-Габдулхай Курбангалиев; 1889-1972) entered into alliance with the White Movement and the leading Turkophile, Austrian-German-Russian nobleman, general, mystic, and potentate Roman von Ungern-Sternberg, before living successively in Manchuria, China and Japan, and spending 10 years in jail (1945-1955) in the USSR.
The Azeri Alimardan bey Topchubashov (Алимардан-бек Топчибашев; 1863-1934) was a prominent leader of the Ittifaq, and later Minister of Foreign Affairs, speaker of the Parliament of the short-lived (1918-1920) Azerbaijan Democratic Republic (the first secular republican state in the Turanian and the Muslim worlds), and head of the Azerbaijani Delegation at Versailles Conference,
h- Hasan bey Zardabi
The Azeri Hasan bey Zardabi (Гасан-бек Зардаби; 1842-1907) was a leading secular Muslim intellectual and activist very close to the ideas of the Russian Narodniki (народничество), and founder of Akinci (Экинчи/Əkinçi/اکينچی), the first newspaper in Azeri.
i- Mirza Fatali Akhundov
The Azeri Mirza Fatali Akhundov (Мирза Фатали Ахундов; 1812-1878), a leading Azeri nationalist, materialist and atheist, epitomized the Turanian-Iranian-Russian unity, as he identified Russia as his empire, Turkic Azeri as his ancestry, and Iran as his nation. Written in Farsi, his ‘Eastern poem on the death of Pushkin’ (1837) proved to be a real symbol of unity for the Russian, Turanian and Iranian worlds.
j- Mahmud khodja Behbudiy
The Tajik and Uzbek Mahmud khodja Behbudiy (Махмуд Ходжа Бехбуди; 1875-1919) was a distant descendant of the illustrious 12th c. Turkic mystic, philosopher and poet Khoja Ahmed Yasawi (whose tomb is a magnificent edifice located in Turkistan, South Kazakhstan). He traveled and lived in Mecca, Cairo and Istanbul, returned to Samarqand, launched the famous weekly Ayina (Oino), participated actively in the Ittifaq, wrote numerous textbooks, theatrical plays, and articles, took part in the first executive committee in Samarkand after the February 1917 revolution, and was in good terms with the Soviet government, only to be arrested by the counterrevolutionaries and executed in 1919 by the rebel Sayyid Mir Muhammad Alim Khan (the last Emir of Bukhara, who was finally deposed in 1920 and died in exile in Afghanistan in 1944).
k- Saifullah qadi Khalid Bashlarov
The Dagestani Saifullah qadi Khalid Bashlarov (Сайфулла-кади Башларов; 1853-1919) was early expelled to Saratov in 1878 (for having participated in the 1877 rebellion), joined the Ittifaq, returned to Dagestan in 1909, supported the anti-clerk rebellion in 1913 (which forced the czarist administration to partly abandon the local plan for introduction of the Russian alphabet), was exiled to Kazan, and finally killed in the White Movement (in 1919).
l- Salimgirey Seidkhanovich Dzhantyurin
The Kazakh Salimgirey Seidkhanovich Dzhantyurin (or Jantyurin / Салимгирей Сеидханович Джантюрин; 1864-1926) was a nobleman from Ufa and a descendent of the Kazakh khans of the Bukey Horde; he was one of the principal leaders of the Kazakh national movement. He graduated from the Faculty of Mathematics of Moscow University, worked for the czarist administration in the Ufa province, and became a remarkable landowner, a pioneering politician, a philanthropist, member of the Ittifaq Central Committee and member of the Kadet Party. Despite his outstanding career and benefactions, after the rise of the Bolsheviks to power, he lived a modest life and died in an accident.
Studying Dzhantyurin’s biography, achievements and contributions, one discovers and has therefore to underscore the extraordinary contrast between the Russian-Muslim osmosis and the Anglo-French colonial disparity with the Muslim World. Because of their antithesis with the Muslims, the Western colonial powers carried out a pernicious infiltration into the colonized Muslim societies and they systematically distorted the local version of decayed Islam. Quite contrarily to what happened in Muslim lands colonized by the English and the French, as early as 1906, Dzhantyurin was intellectually advanced enough to advocate the abolition of death penalty.
In striking contradiction to Dzhantyurin’s Islamic humanism, throughout the territories colonized by the evil colonials of England and France, uneducated and paranoid sheikhs and imams, duly utilized by their criminal colonial masters (without even understanding it), started advocating extremist ideas, criminal acts, and increased ignorance. The detrimental comparison is quite enough to prove to all Muslims that, as per the principles of Islam, it is absolutely impermissible for any Muslim to live in the colonial countries of the West, to accept their embassies in Muslim countries, and to study in these countries’ disreputable universities which propagate a historical forgery to indoctrinate and thus enslave the idiotic Muslims who find it normal to study in Australia, Canada, US, UK and France.
Джантюрин также присутствовал в Выборгском воззвании (11 декабря 1907). Dzhantyurin was also present in the Vyborg Appeal (11 December 1907).
m- Sadriddin Ayni
The Tajik Sadriddin Ayni (Садриддин Айни; صدرالدين عينى; 1878-1954) was a widely acclaimed author, poet, theoretician, historian and philologist, who propagated Communist ideas in Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. He became member of the Supreme Soviet of Tajikistan, and more importantly, he extensively elaborated and cultivated the Tajik cultural identity, so that nowadays in Tajikistan he is widely viewed as their national poet.
Sadriddin Ayni was one of the few Jadidists who survived all troubles and purges in the USSR. From: https://ok.ru/tajikistanmoyarodina/topic/62708887118025Statues of Sadriddin Ayni & Maxim Gorky in Dushanbe, Tajikistan’s capital
n- Hairullah Usmanov
The Tatar Hairullah Usmanov (Хайрулла Абдрахманович Усманов; 1866-1915) was a leading educator and pedagogue, who introduced Jadid methods and approaches in many schools and madrasahs. Mobilizing Tatar businessmen, like A. G. Husainov (А. Г. Хусаинов), and average people for the cause of the Jadid Movement, Usmanov directed several cultural centers and took active part in the Ittifaq. He was elected as deputy in the Second State Duma (1906) and there he drafted a Bill, demanding the abolition of restrictions on political and civil rights related to religion and ethnicity.
o- Fatali Khan Isgender Oğlu
The Azeri Fatali Khan Isgender Oğlu (‘son of Alexander’) Khoyski (i.e. from Khoy in today’s NW Iran) was the first Prime Minister of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic (1918-1920). Khoyski (1875-1920; Фатали Хан Искендер оглы Хойский; فتحعلی خان خویسکی) was a court lawyer and he was elected in the Second State Duma, before becoming a minister in the short-lived Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic (April-May 1918). As he did not want to engage Azerbaijan against the Russian counterrevolutionary Denikin and his army, the Red Army invaded and annexed Azerbaijan. Khoyski escaped only to be later assassinated in Tbilisi by an Armenian terrorist.
p- Khalil bey Khasmammadov
The Azeri Khalil bey Khasmammadov (Халил-бек Хасмамедов; 1873-1947) was a lawyer and an enthusiastic supporter of Ismail Gaspirali’s ideas and thoughts. He was elected in the First and Second State Dumas, appointed in several ministerial positions in the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic, and then dispatched as ADR ambassador to Turkey, where he stayed for the rest of his life, because he decried the Soviet occupation of Azerbaijan and he disagreed with the Soviets.
q- Mullanur Mullazianovich Vakhitov
The Tatar Mullanur Mullazianovich Vakhitov (Мулланур Муллазянович Вахитов; 1885-1918) was a leading figure of the Muslim Socialist Committee (MSK), editor of a Communist journal in Kazan, and commissar of Central Muslim Commissariat of Narkomnats (Народный комиссариат по делам национальностей; People’s Commissariat on Nationalities); he was killed defending Kazan against the armies of the counterrevolutionaries.
The Bashkir Ahmed Zaki Validov (or Zeki Velidi Togan / Ахмет-Заки Валидов; 1890-1970) was an outstanding member of the Jadid Movement, activist, fighter for the liberation of Bashkortostan, theoretician, explorer, scholar, author and professor, who -like so many other Jadid intellectuals- tergiversated in favor and against the Bolsheviks. Ahmed Zaki Validov was also one of the leaders of the Basmachi Movement (against the Soviets), chairman of the National Union of Turkistan, refugee in Iran, head of a secret organization that collaborated with Nazi Germany, and a multilingual academic with working experience in many countries (Turkey, Austria, Germany, US, Pakistan, India, Iran, etc.).
The Bashkir and Tatar Rizaeddin bin Fakhreddin (1858-1936; Ризаитдин Фахретдинович Фахретдинов) was a leading author, educator, and director of madrasah; he proved to be a very active member of the Central Spiritual Administration of Muslims of Russia (Центральное духовное управление мусульман России, which was then named Оренбургское магометанское духовное собрание/Assembly) at Ufa. As a systematic reformer, he came up (1905) with a comprehensive project, which he submitted to the aforementioned institution, also asking the imperial permission to allow them to extend their authority among the Kazakhs. This was rejected, because the imperial authorities believed that it would lead to a very centralized Muslim authority throughout their vast country. Fluent in many languages, he published extensively on topics of Islamic History, Philosophy, Spirituality and Jurisprudence.
The Kazakh Bakhytzhan Bisalievich Karataev (or Karatayev; 1863-1934; Бахытжан Бисалиевич Каратаев / Бақытжан Бейсәліұлы Қаратаев) graduated from the Orenburg gymnasium and the Faculty of Law in St. Petersburg, and then worked as bailiff and later as attorney. He participated (1905-1914) in the Cadets (кадет партия; the Constitutional Democratic Party), becoming the leader of the Ural-Kyrgyz group (which represented several nations). Elected in the Second State Duma, he was part of the Muslim group and the Siberian group. He confronted the czarist premier Stolypin’s policy of resettlement (переселенческая политика), because he viewed it as a threat for the interests of the indigenous nations. He was a prolific writer and contributor to many newspapers, and he assisted the Muslim faction of the Third State Duma, being dispatched (1907-1908) on behalf of the Kazakhs of the Steppe Governorate. He actively participated in the works of the 4th Muslim Congress (1914; St. Petersburg) that came up with great proposals of major reforms in the religious administration.
Opposing Russia’s participation in WWI, Karataev demonstrated remarkable foresight and real love for all the nations of the empire; he participated (December 1914) in the All-Russian Congress of Representatives of Muslim Public Organizations (Всероссийский съезд представителей мусульманских общественных организаций); after that point, he distanced himself from the Cadets and gradually became member of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (Bolsheviks) {Российская социал-демократическая рабочая партия (большевиков)}. He was arrested (early 1918) and imprisoned for 9 months by the White Cossacks (a counterrevolutionary group in the South Urals), before assuming many positions during the early years of the Soviet administration (member of the Kirghiz Revolutionary Committee; delegate of the 1st and 2nd Congresses of Soviets of the Kirghiz ASSR; chairman of the Aktobe Provincial Collegium; employee in the State Archives of the KASSR in Aktobe). Following several disagreements with other local authorities, he withdrew and later was expelled from the Communist Party.
State Duma (2nd convocation) Muslim deputies; Bakhytzhan Karataev, first from left
u- Khalil Dosmukhamedov
The Kazakh Khalil Dosmukhamedov (Халел Досмухамедович Досмухамедов; 1883-1939) was the first Kazakh to feel the need for a political organization or party to defend the national interests of the Kazakhs, along with those of the other Turanian and Muslim nations of the empire. He graduated from the Ural Military Real School (Уральское военно-реальное училище) in 1902; he then entered the St. Petersburg Imperial Military Medical Academy (Санкт-Петербургская императорская военно-медицинская академия), which is now named Военно-медицинская академия имени С. М. Кирова (S. M. Kirov Military Medical Academy). He served as medical doctor in the Perm province, in the 1st Turkistan, 2nd Ural Kazakh-Russian rifle battalion, and then in the Urals. In his book “How to deal with the Plague among the Kirghiz People”, he described in details the methods he used to combat the plague that broke in 1916.
His political career started with articles and strongly Jadidist proposals published as early as 1905 (in newspapers like Uralskiy Listok/уральский листок and Fiker/Фикер). He was member of the All-Russian Congress of Muslims in Moscow (May 1917), member of the 1st All-Kazakh Congress, member of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly (November 1917), and member of the Kazakh party Alash (Алаш), which was allied with the Constitutional Democratic Party (rather known as the Cadets / from the first syllable of the first two words: Конституционно-демократическая партия).
He was member of the Alash Orda government, in March 1918, and along with others, he entered into negotiations with Lenin and Stalin with respect to Kazakhstan’s autonomy; after the dissolution of the Alash government (following the defeat of the White Army in 1920), he took part actively in the People’s Commissariat for Education of the Republic of Turkestan and later held several other positions in the USSR. Dosmukhamedov is today considered as the father of modern scientific research in Kazakhstan, because he contributed greatly to the establishment of regular academic education and scholarly exploration, also publishing many books. However, he was rather viewed suspiciously, arrested and exiled in the 1930s; before being executed, he died when hospitalized in 1938, but he was rehabilitated thanks to Nikita Khrushchev.
v- Zhahansha Dosmukhamedov
The Kazakh Zhahansha Dosmukhamedov {Жанша (Жаханша) Досмухамедов; 1887- 1938} was a leading Kazakh lawyer, scientist, author, translator, political activist, cultural reformer, and national statesman. He originated from a family of steppe shepherds, and after studying in a Russian-Kazakh moving school (Булдуртинская аульная передвижная русско-казахская школа) and in the one-year Russian-Kazakh secondary school (одноклассное русско-казахское училище) in Dzhambeity (Джамбейты; today Zhymbiti/Жымпиты), he enrolled in the Ural Military Real School in Uralsk {Уральское войсковое реальное училище; which is currently named after him (Высший педагогический колледж имени Жаханши Досмухамедова)} and then in the Faculty of Law (Moscow University). His studies, like those of almost all the Kazakh students, were financed by Kazakh foremen of the administrative districts from which the students originated. As student, he treated Russians with sympathy and respected Russian culture. He always supported a position of convergence between Russians and Kazakhs, which predetermined the Kazakh national stance toward Kazakh-Russian relationship.
As chairman of the Ural Regional Kazakh Committee, Zhahansha Dosmukhamedov participated in the All-Russian Congress of Muslims where he was elected deputy chairman. He formed the Uilsky Olyat government (the Western branch of Alash Orda) and therefore participated in the Alash government (proclaimed at the 2nd All-Kazakh Congress, in 1917). He was the jurist, who shaped the legal concept of Alash. In 1918-1919, along with his old schoolmate Khalil Dosmukhamedov, he negotiated with Lenin and Stalin. As a lawyer, he translated the Soviet civil and criminal codes to Kazakh, and he greatly contributed to the consolidation of the national culture. He was arrested and persecuted several times in the 1930s, and despite his sickness, he was executed in 1938, only to be rewarded with rehabilitation and recognition due to Nikita Khrushchev.
w- Saken Seifullin
The Kazakh Saken Seifullin (1894-1938; Сәкен Сейфуллин; Сәдуақас Сейфоллаұлы Сейфуллин) was a great poet and writer; he has been acknowledged as the father of Modern Kazakh Literature. In addition, he was the founder of the Union of Writers of Kazakhstan, and he proved also to be a remarkable statesman and a prominent member of the Bolshevik Communist Party. Member of the Argyn (Аргын/аргун) tribe (from the Middle Horde), he studied first in the Russian-Kazakh school of the Copper Smelter Plant at Spask (спасский медеплавильный завод; Karaganda region, i.e. NE Kazakhstan), which was built in the 1850s. He continued in the Akmola Primary School and in the 3-year Secondary School at Akmola (Акмолинское трёхклассное городское училище), and then he started teaching Russian language to Kazakh and other Muslim schoolchildren in a madrasa.
In 1913-1914, Seifullin entered the Omsk Vocational School for Teachers (Омская учительская семинария) and started publishing articles and writing poems in Kazakh, before becoming one of the pioneers of the Kazakh youth organization Birlik (‘Unity’). During that period, he befriended and collaborated with other young Kazakh activists, who took part in the Jadid Movement before becoming the leading intellectuals, academics, and statesmen of the Kazakh nation in the early 20th c., namely Magzhan Zhumabaev (Магжан Жумабаев), Zhanaydar Saduakasov (Жанайдар Садуакасов; Джанайдар Садвокасович Садвокасов), Nygymet Nurmakov (Ныгымет Нурмаков), Abylkhayyr Dosov (Абылхайыр Досов), Shaimerden Alzhanov (Шаймерден Алжанов).
In April 1917, Seifullin founded a society named Жас қазақ (Zhas Kazak/Young Kazakhs), the name of which alludes to the organization Genç Türkler (Young Turks) in the ailing Ottoman Empire; all the same, the cultural, ideological and socio-political identity of the Young Kazakhs was totally different from that of their Ottoman coreligionists. In the same year, Seifullin composed a pro-Soviet poem, which has been considered as the first piece of Kazakh Soviet literature. He was elected member of the presidium of the Akmola Soviet of deputies, and then appointed as People’s Commissar of Education. During the Civil War, Seifullin was arrested by the counterrevolutionaries, imprisoned and condemned to death, but managed to escape and survive. After the end of the hostilities, he assumed several positions in the early soviet administrations and later, in November 1922, the 3rd Congress of the Kirghiz (: Kazakh) ASSR elected him as head of the government (‘Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars of the Republic’). One month later, he was elected member of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR (Центральный исполнительный комитет СССР).
Seifullin deployed a great effort in order to change the wrong appellation and to impose the correct national name (‘Kazakh’ instead of ‘Kirghiz’) as that of the SSR, thus rightfully granting to his native tongue the status of state language. At this point, one must clarify that the confusion of names was due to the traditional Russian appellation of the Kazakhs and the Kirghiz: the former were known to Russians as Kirghiz-Kazaks (киргизы-казахи or also Киргиз-кайсаки) and the latter were called Kara-Kirghiz (кара-киргизы/Black Kirghiz). Seifullin is credited with the historic sentence “Let’s call the Kazakhs Kazakhs! Correct the mistakes! Until today, Russians called Kazakhs Kirghiz.” (Давайте называть казахов казахами, исправим ошибки. До сегодняшнего дня русские называли казахов киргизами.)
3rd Congress of the Kirghiz (: Kazakh) ASSR: Saken Seifullin is in the second row, 2nd from left.Saken Seifullin as rector of the Kazakh Institute of Public Education, among students
Although he was well-known for his staunch pro-Soviet stance, for his impressive award (Order of the Red Banner of Labor), and for his outstanding contribution to the consolidation of the Soviet rule in Kazakhstan, despite his enormous engagement in the establishment of the Soviet academic life, and in spite of his commitment to the diffusion of Marxism-Leninism among the Muslims of Central Asia, Seifullin was arrested, sentenced and executed (1938), only to be rehabilitated under Khrushchev.
x- Mukysh Boshtayev
The Kazakh Mukysh Boshtayev (1897-1921; Мукыш Боштаев) was jurist, journalist, and political activist; he also became a leading member of the Alash Movement. This group proved to be one of the many efforts undertaken by Turanians and Muslims to implement the concepts and the ideals promoted by the Jadid Movement across a far wider area, not only Kazakhstan. In fact, the Alash Movement was the first Kazakh political party, and it formed a provisory government until the end of the Civil War (August 1920). This movement sought to consolidate the Kazakh identity, but it was divided around several issues, such as secular society, modern education, state run economy, free market, etc. Boshtayev published groundbreaking articles about Kazakh education, culture, autonomy, social organization and modernization. In 1917, he was elected as candidate for the All-Russian Constituent Assembly from the Semipalatinsk region, and at the 1st All-Kazakh Congress, he was nominated as a deputy from the Alash party. At the 2nd All-Kazakh Congress, he was elected in the Alash government (Orda). He died during the hostilities in an unknown location.
The Kazakh Alikhan Bukeikhanov (1866-1937; Алихан Нурмухамедович Букейханов) was one of the most determinant figures of Modern Kazakh History, first Kazakh Prime Minister (in the Alash Orda state), and one of the founders of the Alash Movement; he was a leading statesman, scientist, writer, secular intellectual, and member of the Communist Party. More importantly, he was a far descendent of Genghis Khan and the great-grandson of Barak Sultan, the khan of the Bukey Horde (see above: part VI 12th paragraph). This fact is also denoted in his family name: Bukeikhanov. From his mother’s side, he was a far descendent of the famous Mamai, the Khaqan of the Blue Horde (see above: part V no 7). Not only did his origin play an important role in his rise among the Kazakh Jadidists, but also his wholehearted commitment to the cause of Modern Kazakhstan reserved for him a truly distinct position. Making of his secular ideas a way of life, he was one of the very first Muslims in Imperial Russia to get married with a Russian Christian lady: Elena Yakovlevna Sevostianova (Елена Яковлевна Севостьянова). Even his son bore two personal names, one Christian and one Muslim (Sergei Oktay / Сергей Октай).
After studying in the Russian-Kazakh school, the Omsk Technical School, and the St. Petersburg Forestry Institute (Dept. of Economics), he worked on statistics also publishing articles in the newspaper Семипалатинские областные ведомости (Semipalatinsk Regional Statements); in young age (24), he changed his name from Nurmukhamedov (surname after his father’s name) to Bukeikhanov (after his tribe’s name), which is clear indication of Kazakh national identity. Quite interestingly, in 1904, he willingly participated in the expedition of the Russian Cossack scholar and leading statistician (also known as the ‘Father’ of Russian Zemstvo Statistics), and Narodnik politician Fyodor Andreyevich Sherbina to prepare for a mass resettlement of peasants from Central Russia to the Steppe region of Kazakhstan. His commitment is of critical importance for us today, because it clearly demonstrates that, as early as the first years of the 20th c., the Kazakhs -quite contrarily to the then criminal Anglo-French colonial attempts and in full rejection of the current, nonsensical and utterly fallacious Western bibliography and diplomatic pretentions- did not view the Russian conquest as an inimical invasion by an alien force, but as a re-congregation of all the Turanian, Slavic and Northern Asiatic nations under a fraternal, progressive and reinvigorating plan.
Bukeikhanov represented the mainstream of Kazakh intelligentsia that was oriented toward modernization, educational improvement, cultural revival, and national re-awakening. At the time, they named this trend, concept, tendency and approach ‘Westernization’ (Западничество or западническое направление/Western direction), but in reality they meant that the Kazakhs and the other Turanian and Muslim nations of the region needed to follow the example of the Russians and to empower themselves in order to successfully compete with all the leading nations of the world; in fact, their approaches and ideals were finally implemented not in the Soviet Union but in Turkey of Kemal Ataturk. That’s why in the 1900s, most of the Jadidists, irrespective of their later career path and theoretical-ideological choices, felt close to, and were allied with, the Cadets (Constitutional Democratic Party) whose official name was ‘Party of People’s Freedom’. Strong in his anti-colonial determination, Bukeikhanov opposed both, the czarist effort to colonize Kazakhstan and the nonsensical anachronism of the imams, the mullahs and the traditional Tatar merchants.
The political career of Alikhan Bukeikhanov started with his participation in the All-Russian Congress of Local (Agrarian and Municipal) Authorities’ Representatives (общероссийский съезд земских и городских деятелей), which took place in Moscow on 6th-13th November 1905; there he identified himself as the spokesman of “four million Kirghiz (: Kazakh)” and condemned the persecution of the Kirghiz (: Kazakh) medium schools. However, these points need to be carefully examined, because on similar statements are based modern Western misinterpretations and distortions of Asiatic, Turanian and Russian History. The czarist persecution of these schools was not denounced by Bukeikhanov on racist Anti-Russian grounds; more specifically, he decried the czarist censorship, because it did not allow the translation (from Russian to Kazakh) of 46 fables by Ivan Andreyevich Krylov (1769-1844; Иван Андреевич Крылов). In other words, Bukeikhanov wanted to bring the two nations -the Kazakhs and the Russians- educationally, culturally, and intellectually closer.
Member of the Cadet Party after 1905, Bukeikhanov was elected and participated in the Central Committee from 1906 to 1917; known for the numerous newspapers that he edited, for the Vyborg Manifsto (Выборгское воззвание) that he signed, and for his steadfast struggle for autonomy, he was elected in the 1st State Duma from the Semipalatinsk region. He was repeatedly imprisoned, banned from elections, and forced to contractual exile in Samara. In the early 1910s he became member of the pro-French Freemasonic political organization ВВНР (Великий восток народов России/Great Orient of the Peoples of Russia) and of the Lodge Чермак (Chermak) in St. Petersburg. After the February Revolution (1917), he disagreed with the Cadets (notably on the issue of autonomy for Kazakhstan) and left the party. He used his experience to create {with others, notably Akhmet Baitursynov (1872-1937; Ахмет Байтурсынов) and Mirzhakip Dulatov (1885-1935; Миржакип Дулатов)} the Kazakh political organization Alash in order to participate in the Constituent Assembly of Russia (November 1917-January 1918; Всероссийское учредительное собрание). Bukeikhanov participated in the congress of the Siberian autonomists (Сибирская областная дума) in Tomsk (December 1917) where the Kazakhs were given full autonomy as part of the short-lived Siberian Republic (Сибирская республика; 4th June – 3rd November 1918).
At Bukeikhanov’s initiative, at the 2nd All-Kazakh Kurultai (General Assembly; with more than 200 delegates), the Alash autonomy was discussed; the historic event was held in Orenburg (December 1917-January 1918). The final decision was postponed for a month, but the autonomy was de facto valid and most of today’s Kazakhstan’s territory was ruled autonomously. The Kazakh autonomous government, Alash Orda, participated in the Civil War against the Soviet government, and because of this situation, Bukeikhanov and other members of the government had to hide for a long period. Around the end of 1919, the Bolsheviks prevailed, the Alash Orda had to capitulate, and the first Kazakh Prime Minister, who considered Lenin’s rise to power as an illegal event, had to abandon his ambitions and political career in order to achieve a nominal recognition of the Kazakh autonomy. Among Kazakhs, the pro-Soviet activists of the party Ush Zhuz (Уш жуз) opposed Bukeikhanov’s ideas. He therefore preferred to work in the fields of culture, education, academic research, and publications; in the 1920s, he worked for several years as literary employee in the Central Publishing House of the Peoples of the USSR (in Moscow). In the late 1920s and the 1930s, he was repeatedly arrested and imprisoned; last, in 1937, he was condemned to death and executed. It is only in 1989 that the verdict of the Supreme Commissariat of the USSR Armed Forces was canceled as unfounded, Bukeikhanov was posthumously acquitted, and his reputation restored. About:
XI. The Jadid Movement between Imperial Russia and the USSR: the Secular Nature of the Kazakhs and the other Muslims of Central Asia
The above brief portraits represent only a small number of intellectuals, scholars, activists, journalists and politicians, who formed the Jadid Movement, but they are quite representative. They allow every reader understand that the formidable movement, which shook Northwestern, Northern, Central and Northeastern Asia and Eastern Europe, was actually an enormous intellectual nebula, which comprised people of very different ethnic backgrounds, diverse walks of life, distinct theoretical directions, disparate ideological motivations, divergent philosophical opinions, and varied political intentions.
Under this title, one can find Muslim secularists, Turanian nationalists, anti-czarist progressives, pro-Russian socialists, liberal economy supporters, social reformists, educational pioneers, Islamic modernists, revivalists of the Golden Era of Islam, cultural identity advocates, pan-Turanianists, pan-Islamists, propagandists of a variably and differently conceived Westernization, and even Muslim traditionalists. Men from all the walks of life were actually in tune with some of the concepts advanced and the principles heralded by the Jadid Movement. However, it is noteworthy that none of the Jadidists supported the so-called ‘Turkish History Thesis’; neither can one find liberal Kemalists among them. This is clearly shown in the case of the Azeri scholar, theoretician, author, journalist and politician Ahmet Ağaoğlu (1869-1939; Ахмед бек Агаоглу or Ахмед-бек Агаев), a student of the French Orientalist Ernest Renan and an associate of the French Iranologist James Darmesteter, who finally got naturalized Turk, became a close adviser of Kemal Atatürk, was elected in the Turkish Parliament, and served in several positions.
If there is an ideologically critical common denominator for all the Jadidists, this is certainly the notion of ‘awakening’; this was brilliantly elaborately by many among them, notably the Kazakh Mirzhakip Dulatov, one of the founders of Alash, who published (in Ufa) the historic book ‘Awake, Kazakh!’ (Оян, қазақ!) in 1909. Other outstanding Kazakh Jadidists were the following intellectuals, activists and politicians: Valid Khan Sherafedinovich Tanachev (1882-1968; Валидхан Шерафеддинович Таначев), Bakhtygerei Ahmetovich Kulmanov (1857-1919; Бахтигирей Ахметович Кулманов), Muhammedjan Tynyshpaevich Tynyshpaev (1879-1937; Мухамеджан Тынышпаевич Тынышпаев), Koshmuhambet Duysebaiuly Kemengerov (1896-1937; Кошмухамбет Дуйсебайулы Кеменгеров), Smagul Sadvakasov (1900-1933; Смагул Садвакасов), and Ylyas Omarovich Omarov (1910-1970; Ильяс Омарович Омаров).
Mirzhakip Dulatov (1885-1935; Миржакип Дулатов – Міржақып Дулатұлы) first from right / From: https://novoetv.kz/myrzhakyp-dulatov-fakty-iz-zhizni/Old customs in Jadid intellectuals’ daily life: Dulatov (middle) smoking narguilé (hookah) – Миржакип Дулатов с кальяном 5 мая 1921 года, Ташкент / Mirzhakip Dulatov on 5th May 1921 in Tashkent / From: https://interesnoe.me/view2/content
If there is a politically critical common denominator for all the Jadidists, this is certainly the fact that most of the Jadidists born in the 2nd half of the 19th c. were either forced to emigrate {like the Tatar Musa Bigiev (see above part X unit e) and the Azeri Adil Khan Ziyadkhanov (Адиль Хан Абульфат Хан оглы Зиятханов; 1870-1957)} or killed in wars that took place after the end of WWI (like Adil Khan Ziyadkhanov’s older brother Ismail Khan Ziyadkhanov; 1867-1920; Исмаил Хан Абульфат Хан оглы Зиятханов) or decimated (like the Uzbek Abdulhamid Sulaymon oʻgʻli Yunusov, who became rather known as Choʻlpon, his penname; 1893-1938; Абдулхамид Сулейман угли Чулпан) in the Yezhovshchina (Ежовщина), i.e. the Great Purge in 1930s’ USSR, during which Stalin sought to eradicate any pro-Trotsky elements or disappeared without leaving any traces (like the Bashkir Sharafutdin Abdulgalimovich Kulbakov; 1849-?; Шарафутдин Абдулгалимович Кульбаков).
As I already said, the Jadid Movement is absolutely irrelevant to the Genç Türkler (Young Turks) Movement; there cannot be comparison even at the practical-factual level. The Committee of Union and Progress (İttihad ve Terakki Cemiyeti) ruled the Ottoman Empire from 1908 to 1918, whereas the Alash Autonomy was a short-lived state, which controlled a small part of the territory that it claimed to represent and lasted only for few months, before being dragged into the Civil War and subsequently defeated. In addition, it has to be taken into consideration that the Bolsheviks initially viewed positively the demands of many nations for autonomy, due to then prevailing ideas and Lenin’s fundamental theory about ‘the Right of Nations to Self-Determination’ (which was also the title of a book published in May 1914 by the head of the Bolsheviks: О праве наций на самоопределение).
On the other hand, it has to be underscored that the Jadid Movement was totally different from the so-called Islamic Modernism, which has been a fake, Western colonial fabrication geared by French and English Orientalists in order to deliberately plunge all the Muslims, who have been living in their colonies, into a pathetic anachronism, obsolete concepts, fake dilemmas, and the impossible idea that the measures and the criteria of an outdated period can be matched with modern socio-economic standards, political systems, and technological determinism.
Actually, it would be more accurate to specify that the Jadid Movement was diametrically opposed to the nonsense that French and English Freemasons meticulously projected onto naïve, gullible and unsophisticated people like Jamaluddin al-Afghani, Muhammad Abduh, Mahmud Shaltut, Hassan al-Banna, Sayyid Qutb, and others in order to definitely engulf them in a spiritual, ideological, intellectual, and educational impasse, and to therefore make them genuinely unable to achieve a proper nation building process.
Today, what is called ‘Islamic Modernism’ is -in reality- a religious reductionism, a dogmatic rigidity, a theological heresy, a spiritual sterility, a catastrophic ignorance of the Islamic Civilization, and an unprecedented identitarian crisis inextricably mixed with abject immorality, grave lack of piety, total disregard for the human being, materialistic conceptualization of the world, ridiculous political eschatology, and full compliance with the anti-Islamic interests of the anti-Christian colonial powers. As a matter of fact, all the figureheads of the Jadid Movement were at the very antipodes of the reactionary movement of ‘Islamic Modernism’. About:
The czarist control of Central Asia did not happen without several types of problems and inconveniences; but this does not mean that the various revolts were due to a direct rejection of the Russian conquest. It is well-known that the long period of decay prior to the czarist rule was filled with intra-Turanian and intra-Muslim factionalism and endless hostilities. This means that we cannot afford to take let’s say a one-day event, like the so-called Andijan Rebellion (Андижанский мятеж или Киргизско-Андижанское восстание; 17 May 1898; Andijan being a 2500-year old, historical city located in the Fergana Valley, in today’s Uzbekistan, not far from the borders of Kyrgyzstan), as an expression of either national Kirghiz or religious Islamic resistance against the czarist government. First, it was not a mass revolt; second, it had genuinely tribal character; third, it was not timely supported or posteriorly defended by any prominent figure of the Jadid Movement. On the contrary, all people affiliated with this movement reviled the backward leader of the misfortunate event.
Biased historians, academic forgers, vicious political scientists, and ignorant geopolitical analysts of today’s corrupt Western countries promote their fallacious dogmas and approaches, systematically trying to export their false historical model onto all the lands that the colonial countries of the West (England, France, and more recently the US) did not conquer, notably throughout the Caucasus region, Central Asia, Russia and China. To do so, these mendacious and disreputable academics highly politicize, ideologize, and fully distort several events (like the one-day so-called Andijan Rebellion) in order to integrate them (not as true, historical events anymore but as factoids) into their pseudo-historical version as per which Russians would have always been the ‘aggressors’, the ‘enemies’ of the Turks (or all Turkic nations) and the ‘oppressors’ of Muslims. That’s absurd and ludicrous. Any Muslim, who believes and accepts the vicious lies of Western (and Western-educated Muslim) academics, diplomats and politicians, is an infidel and an idiot.
As a matter of fact, the root causes of the Andijan Incident go back to a period that antedates the Russian conquest by several decades; the leader of the few hundreds of Kirghiz rebels, Muhammad Ali Madali (Мухаммад Али Мадали; 1856-1898), who was also known as Dukchi Ishan (Дукчи-ишан), had already revolted many times against Sayid Muhammad Khudayar Khan III (or just Khudayar Khan; Сайид Мухаммед Худояр-хан III / خدايارخان), the last true ruler of the Kokand Khanate (1829-1886; reign: 1844-1875).
If we now examine closely what occurred during the three decades of Khudayar Khan’s rule in Kokand, we will soon realize the indescribable extent of lawlessness that prevailed among the decayed, self-destructive, and multi-divided local tribes. In fact, his rule was interrupted four times (1851 by one usurper; 1858-1862 by two other usurpers; 1862 by two other usurpers; 1862-1865 by three other usurpers and by a surviving earlier usurper) and, at the end of his reign, Khudoyar Khan asked the help of the Turkestan Governor-General (a czarist officer) and finally in 1875, he fled to Tashkent under the protection of Russian troops.
Muhammad Ali Madalithe location of Andijan
His son, Nasir al-din Khan (Насриддин-бек или Насриддин-хан; 1850-1877), participated in the revolt against his father, which was undertaken by some tribal leaders and sheikhs, and succeeded his father. Few months later, he signed an agreement with Russia in order to concentrate his efforts on the internal front, only to be soon overthrown by the unruly tribal leaders, i.e. the likes of Pulat khan (1844-1876; Пулат-хан; his true name was Ishaq Hasan uglu / Исхак Хасан-уулу.), Muhammad Ali Madali, and Abdurahman Aftobachi (1844-1884; Абдурахман-автобачи). He made a brief comeback in January 1876 only to escape to Tashkent, as the ill-fated Khanate was duly and ultimately abolished. However, quite indicative of the then prevailing conditions was the fact that, while he was the bek (bey) of the Andijan vilayet (under his father’s authority: 1865-1875), Nasir al-din had to annually spend the whole administrative district’s income available in order to build several -otherwise useless- luxurious madrasahs and the magnificent Jami mosque only to appease and please the fancy of pathetic local sheikhs and tribal leaders, who could not make sense of the misery in which they found themselves.
The final outcome of the Andijan Incident (which was not a rebellion) involved few Russian casualties, namely 22 dead and 16 wounded soldiers. Most of the lawless and unruly elements of the Kokand Khanate were arrested (546 men), condemned to forced labor or exiled in Siberia (356); the leaders were executed (18 men) and the rest were allowed free (163). There were no Kazakhs involved in this incident, but the importance of the fact today lies rather in its misinterpretation, and as such it offers a model of historical falsification that biased Western scholars try to reproduce when writing about topics of ‘National History’ for all the nations of Central Asia. For this reason, I examined it closely. About:
XIII. Misinterpretation of the History of Central Asia by Local Academics-Victims of Western Embassies & US-UK Institutions
To reveal the entire spectrum of the historical event and to offer a better insight into the historical evolution, I have to herewith denounce the fallacious, ahistorical, and absolutely biased perspectives that several modern scholars try to suggest as regards the History of the Russian Conquest of Central Asia. I must add that, after 1991, the unnecessary presence of Western embassies, consulates, institutes and academics in all the Central Asiatic states is the main reason for the systematic and methodical historical revisionism, which has been undertaken in many countries of the region – not without serious damages caused to all these targeted states.
This forgery has been performed under concealed, malignant and disastrous Western guidance; as a matter of fact, this phenomenon usually takes the form of academic-educational exchanges involving an incredible number of invitations, scholarships, and other types of duplicitous and malicious cooperation by which gullible Central Asiatic scholars are being bought up by the criminal Western elites and their academic gangsters in order to accept the fallacious Western version of History and further reproduce it only for the sake of destruction of their own countries.
The misinterpretation of the History of Russia and Central Asia, undertaken by Western colonial institutions, pseudo-scholars-propagandists, and fake universities attained levels of extreme forgery and paroxysm, notably in the case of Kazakhs and the Cossacks, who are of exactly the same ethnic origin but are fallaciously portrayed as different. / From: https://www.altyn-orda.kz/kazaxi-i-kazaki-poteryannoe-proshloe/ and edq.kz/2020/05/02/казахи-предки-казаков/
The vicious historical revisionism, promoted by the Western diplomatic and academic criminals throughout Central Asia, causes detrimental destruction at the academic, intellectual, educational, and political levels. This is so because, within the context of the Western fallacy, which is projected onto the unsuspicious populations of those states, all wrong political ideas, concepts, thoughts and choices are founded on monstrous historical distortions, gross forgery, and unprecedented anti-Russian racism. Misperceiving their nations’ past (through the deceitful, evil schemes of the Western universities, institutes and publications), many Central Asiatic academics inevitably misinterpret their National History, thus ending up with a fake national identity, calamitously wrong political choices, and self-destructive foreign policy.
This situation leads to a catastrophic political trouble; whereas the establishment of all the Central Asiatic countries fully and clearly realizes the ne cessity for close cooperation and alliance with Russia, China and Iran, several gullible academicians, misguided due to the temptations advanced by Western embassies, universities and other institutions, produce fallacious literature (of divisive, anti-Russian, and anti-secular character) about the local national past. This literature is then duly and timely popularized by other local stooges of the Western embassies (i.e. journalists, NGOs, activists, sheikhs and intellectuals) and subsequently diffused among the uneducated masses that the Western gangsters want to fanaticize in order to manipulate against the local governments. This is the typical action plan of the criminal Western elites.
I will now offer two typical examples of fallacious and pernicious academic articles, which clearly mislead local Muslim Turanians, giving them the impression that the Czarist armies acted as foreign invaders, harmed the Kazakhs, the Uzbeks, the Turkmen, the Tajiks, the Kirghiz, the Azeris and the other nations of the Caucasus region and Central Asia, and deprived the Muslims and the Turanians of their own homelands and stripped them of their independence. As I already explained in the case of the Andijan Incident, this assertion is entirely false, because during the 19th c. and until the unification with czarist Russia, all the Central Asiatic peoples were divided across tribal and sectarian lines, killing one another in a way that the criminal Western Anglo-Saxon gangsters passionately want to revive.
Two Tajik scholars, Prof. Nazirjon Ochilovich Tursunov (Назирджон Очилович Турсунов) and Buston Rahmonovich Tursunov (Бустон Рахмонович Турсунов), wrote, in the trilingual (Russian, Uzbek and English) abstract that they added at the beginning of their article Героическая борьба народов Северной Ферганы за свободу и упразднение кокандского ханства {The heroic struggle of the peoples of Northern Fergana for freedom and the abolition of the Kokand Khanate: УДК (Универсальная десятичная классификация) 93 ББК (Библиотечно-библиографическая классификация) 63.5(5Т)-3 (p. 11-14) / https://cyberleninka.ru/article/n/geroicheskaya-borba-narodov-severnoy-fergany-za-svobodu-i-uprazdnenie-kokandskogo-hanstva}, that following the agreement signed (22 September 1875) between the Kokand Khanate (Nasir al-din Khan) and Russia, “the peoples of Fergana united and continued the struggle against the occupation of their homeland. From October to the end of December, the population of the entire territory of Namangan division waged a struggle against occupation“.
That’s absurd because the uprising was against the Khan, and not the Russians; even worse, the catastrophic event only precipitated the final annexation of the Kokand Khanate by Russia. In a rather non-academic language, the two scholars expand on the topic, inciting fanaticism and anti-Russian hatred, while totally misinterpreting the situation that led to the decomposition and the final collapse of the ill-fated khanate (“Particularly, strong resistance was the population of Namangan-city. November 23-27, 1875 the majority of the population of Oshoba organizedly defending their village showed unprecedented heroism. Skobelev’s punitive detachments brutally cracked down on civilians destroying the population, robbing and organizing arson of their houses – a sakley, as they themselves called them in the sources“). Quite dishonestly, the two professors offer no historical proof in support of their assertion that ‘the majority of the population’ resisted against the Russian forces; in fact, there is no such proof. The only problem that really existed in the said khanate was the weakening of khan’s authority, which was due to the gradual strengthening of the divisive and corrupt elements, i.e. the tribal leaders and the ignorant sheikhs.
Николай Николаевич Каразин, Тревога в крепостном редуте (Нападение кокандцев на казачий выселок Узун–Агач) / Nikolai Nikolaevich Karazin, Anxiety in the Fortress Redoubt (Attack of the Kokandians on the Cossack settlement of Uzun-Agach) / From: https://humus.livejournal.com/5894897.html
With such unfounded statements, which do not help scholars, students and average readership get an accurate understanding of the historical events but merely promote Western anti-Russian propaganda in Central Asia, one can easily understand why Prof. Nazirjon Ochilovich Tursunov was triumphantly included in the encyclopedic and otherwise propagandistic catalogue that an Iranian-American scholar, Prof. Iraj Bashiri (who is also known to have worked for the Tajik division of Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty !!), elaborated a while back (in 2003) for English-speaking academics: Prominent Tajik Figures of the Twentieth Century (https://www.academia.edu/7858297/Prominent_Tajik_Figures_of_the_Twentieth_Century). About Prof. Nazirjon Ochilovich Tursunov:
ttps://tg.wikipedia.org/wiki/Назирҷон_Турсунов
The second example of misleading academic publication is offered by Prof. Buston Rahmonovich Tursunov, Candidate of Historical Sciences, Associate Professor of the Department of Fatherland History and Archeology {under the SEI “KhSU named after Acad. B. Gafurov” (Tajikistan, Khujand)}; in his article Героическая оборона крепости Махрам и ее значение в истории Кокандского ханства {Heroic Defence of Mahram Fortress and its Importance in the History of Kokand Khanate, УДК 930 ББК 63.3(543.0) / http://vestnik.tj/hum_dok/2020/n2/RU/Tursunov_B.R..pdf), he added a trilingual (Russian, Uzbek and English) abstract in which he wrote (about the Battle of the Mahram Fortress) the following: “one of the heroic and tragic pages of the history of the Tajik people which took place on August 22, 1875. It is shown how Tajik together with the representatives of other nations of Kokand khanate organized a heroic defense of the fortress“.
This is totally misleading; the term ‘Tajik’ was historically used as a designation of ‘settled Iranian villagers’ in contrast to the nomadic populations. There was no Tajik nation at the end of the 19th c.; this is a modern construction. At the time, all Tajiks identified themselves as Iranians. Indeed, either in Afghanistan or in Tajikistan, the Tajiks are Farsi-speaking Iranians, who can also be called ‘Eastern Iranians’, because of the geographic location of their homeland. The fabrication of Afghanistan was an English colonial trick providing for the division of Iran. Even worse, the Battle of the Mahram Fortress was engaged because unruly elements of the Kokand Khanate did not want to accept the peace with the Russians that their rightful leadership had already concluded.
As a matter of fact, it is extremely wrong to speak of ‘representatives of other nations of Kokand khanate’, because there were not many different nations in this khanate, but one: ‘Muslims’. The multilingual character of the said state was quite natural, and all the Muslims constituted (and believed that they constitute) one nation. At the time, no one identified himself as member of what we now call ‘an ethnic group’ throughout the Fergana Valley. Tribal divisions existed indeed, but not along ‘ethnic’ lines or on the basis of nationalist argumentation. Describing the defense of Mahram Fortress as ‘heroic’ consists in a vicious misinterpretation of this historical fact in which several lawless tribal leaders were proven idiotic enough to bring about the destruction of their khanate, as they had already fomented numerous revolts against their last khans. After all, one has to underscore the fact that hundreds of Kazakh cavalry units were also fighting along with the Russians, against the Kokand lawless rebels. There were no sectarian criteria involved in that event; this is the historical truth. It was neither a Christian-Muslim clash nor a Russian-Tajik/Uzbek war. About:
It would surely be mendacious to pretend that, in the late 19th and early 20th c., the situation across the czarist territories of Central Asia was pertinent and impeccable. There were certainly many problems; but they had nothing to do with all the ethnic, national and religious divides that today’s Western colonial academics intend to invent and fabricate (and constantly do so) in their disreputable institutions and publications, before exporting them at the local level.
The czarist authorities found it preferable to carry out a great deal of Turkification mainly in the territories of the former khanates of Samarqand and Bukhara, which correspond to the largest part of today’s Uzbekistan. Although Tajik (an eastern dialect of Farsi) was the predominant language in those areas, it receded significantly during the 20th c. This resulted in a strange phenomenon of discrepancy between official demographic data and average people claims about their ethnic origin in post-1991 Uzbekistan; as per the State Statistics Committee, Tajiks make 5% of the country’s total population; however, independent researchers persistently report that 20-25% of the population pretend to be ethnically Tajik, although the majority among them do not speak Tajik anymore.
Czarist rule in Central Asia was a matter of monumental failure, administrative incapability, and extensive corruption. The reasons for this situation lie in the very conservative, extremely confused, and utterly self-catastrophic nature of the czarist regime; the imperial administration first, was foolish enough to consider Russia as a ‘Western’ (or ‘European’) Empire; second, the imperial elite used to view all Muslims, Buddhists, Tengrists and Shamanists as barbarians (which was self-disastrous for Russia); and third, they did not want to cooperate with the numerous progressive elements among the Kazakhs and the other Muslim peoples of Central Asia. It appears bizarre, but it is true: the czarists preferred to deal with their worst enemies, i.e. the most reactionary elements of the Muslim societies, the sheikhs and the various tribal leaders, instead of embracing the evidently pro-Russian, progressive intellectuals and the enlightened mystics. This disastrous choice caused an explosion in the middle 1910s. No one can cooperate with untrustworthy elements without facing the consequences.
The briefly described situation became soon widely known among the ailing czarist administration. Konstantin Konstantinovich Pahlen (1861-1923; Константин Констанович Пален; known in German as Konstantin Johann Georg von der Pahlen), a leading Russian statesman and explorer, governor and senator (of German origin), was tasked by the czar (1908-1909) to chair a commission, examine the imperial administration in Central Asia, and report on the prevailing conditions. Pahlen uncovered detrimental abuses carried out by the czarist officials. His monumental and multi-voluminous report is the most important historical document for the History of Central Asia during the reign of Nikolai II. About:
Пален К. К., Всеподданнейшая записка, содержащая, главнейшие выводы отчета о произведенной в 1908–1909 гг. по Высочайшему повелению, Сенатором Гофмейстером графом К. К. Паленом ревизии Туркестанского края. Ч. 1–2. СПб., 1910. С. 3. (Po vysochaishemu poveleniyu Senatorom gofmeisterom gr. K. K.
Palenom, revizii Turkestanskogo kraya / Report to the Tsar, Comprising the Main Conclusions of the Inspection of the Turkestan Region Carried out in 1908-1909 on the Highest Authority by Senator Hofmeister Count K. K. Pahlen; Ch. 1–2. SPb., 1910. S. 3.)
With the hindsight that we now have, we can understand that the Russian conquest of Central Asia was an ill-conceived and erroneously implemented project, which would have been carried out with a remarkable success, had not the Russian monarchical, military, academic, educational and intellectual elite not been so blindly pro-Western and so disastrously unaware of their true ethnic and cultural identity. This was indeed confirmed in multiple cases, notably the (Prime Minister) Stolypin (Столыпин) reforms (Столыпинская аграрная реформа), which were introduced after the Russian peasants’ revolt (1905-1906) during the period 1906-1912, when around half a million households were offered the possibility to be transported to the wider region of Central Asia and possess land lots there. In the beginning, Russians and ‘natives’ were residing in different districts, despite the fact that many Jadid intellectuals were apparently pro-Russian.
Troublesome internal affairs and disastrous foreign policy brought about the end of czarist Russia. The dissatisfaction of Central Asiatic Turanian Muslim populations increased because of another calamitous choice that Nikolai II was gullible enough to make, namely to ally Christian Orthodox Russia with the malignant and duplicitous, colonial states of France and England, thus becoming the enemy of the Kaiser and the Sultan, who were ipso facto the Russian monarch’s natural allies. The early successes of the Russian Caucasus Army against the Ottoman Empire and the occupation of Van (17 May 1915), Erzerum (16 February 1916), Trabzon (15 April 1916), and Erzincan (2 July 1916) caused great resentment among the Turanian populations of Central Asia, even more so because the Constantinople sheikhulislam had declared Holy War (Jihad) in 1914.
The successive disastrous defeats of the Russian armies by the German army in the eastern front forced finally czar Nicholas II to issue (25 June 1916) a decree for the conscription of Central Asian men from the age of 19 to 43; they were necessary for the Brusilov Offensive (Брусиловский прорыв), i.e. against Austria-Hungary. This decree caused what is now called Central Asiatic rebellion of 1916 (Среднеазиатское восстание 1916 года); naming these events a ‘rebellion’ is certainly an exaggeration, because they consisted merely in a series of uncoordinated unrests and spontaneous protests.
The agitators were mobs controlled by tribal chieftains, small groups of peasants fanaticized by local backward sheikhs, and local young men who did not want to participate in WWI. The rebels carried out many atrocities, before being eliminated by Russian, Kazakh, Tatar and other officers of the czarist army. The incidents took place in July-September 1916 without involving a great number of protesters or casualties. It must be underscored that leading Kazakh political and intellectual figures, notably Alikhan Bukeikhanov and Akhmet Baitursynov (see above, part X, unit y), steadfastly opposed the extremist tactics of the obscurantist sheikhs and the fanaticized terrorists. The Alash Movement rejected all grounds for local opposition to the czarist decree.
Семён Афанасьевич Чуйков, Бегство киргизов в Китай / Symeon Chuykov, The flight of the Kirghizians to ChinaКазачий отряд в Туркестане – Cossack detachment in TurkestanTelegram about the beginning of the unrest: 8 August 1916Чон Уркун (“Большой Исход”). Исход киргизов в Китай в 1916 году; Киргизский государственный исторический музей / Chong Urkun (“Great Exodus”). Exodus of the Kirghiz to China in 1916; Kyrgyz State Historical MuseumВооруженные повстанцы Туркестана / Armed rebels of Turkestan
However, these events triggered an enormous, astounding ‘exodus’ of mainly Kirghiz (but also Kazakh and Uzbek) populations from Central Asia to China (Eastern Turkestan, today’s Xinjiang). It is true that this fact attributed a certain epic character to those events, as thousands of people moved through the cliffs, the narrow valleys, and the passes of the Tian Shan Mountains, walking at high elevation and in adverse weather conditions. The descendants of those populations still live in Eastern Turkestan today, being Chinese citizens. About:
The so-called Central Asiatic rebellion of 1916 became a most controversial issue in the modern historiography. The number of casualties has been systematically exaggerated by English and American propagandists and disreputable academics whose priorities are set by the mendacious and duplicitous diplomats, military, and intelligence of those criminal states. In fact, the event was only the prelude of the Basmachi Revolt.
What is called ‘Basmachi Revolt’ is rather the Central Asiatic version of the event, which is generally known as counter-revolution or White Army. The term is derived from a word common in many Turkic languages: basma (raid). The word basmacı is formed with the ending – cı (-ji or –chi); it means the ‘raider’, the ‘robber’ or the ‘bandit’. Another term was also used by local Turanian authorities: baskıncı; this word denotes the ‘raider’ or the ‘attacker’, and it also has a very pejorative meaning. The Russian-Soviet authorities used the term Басмачи and formed the term Басмачество (or басмаческое движение/Basmachi Movement) for the civil unrest that took place in the late 1910s and the early 1920s in parts of the Russian-Soviet Central Asia.
The Central Asiatic territories annexed by Imperial Russia and inherited by the Soviets, which are today divided among Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, can be geographically categorized as a) deserts (mainly in Turkmenistan), b) steppes (mainly in Kazakhstan), c) fertile plains (mainly in Uzbekistan) and d) mountains (the southern parts of all five states). Within this vast area that totals more than 4 million km2 (Kazakhstan 2725000 km2; Turkmenistan 488000 km2; Uzbekistan 447000 km2; Kyrgyzstan 200000 km2; Tajikistan 141000 km2), the mountains are located in the southern extremities.
This means that the easiest regions for people to wage a rebellion in were the frontier lands close to the borders of Iran, Afghanistan and China (in Eastern Turkestan / Xinjiang). Particularly Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan are extremely mountainous territories, since Tian Shan Mountains cover ca. 80% of the former and Pamir Mountains cover almost the totality of the latter countries. The largest part of Tajikistan’s territory is higher than 3000 m above sea level. It is worthy saying that the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region (bordering with Kyrgyzstan in the north, China in the east, and Afghanistan in the south), which makes almost half the land area of Tajikistan, is inhabited by only 3% of the country’s population because of difficulty of the precipitous terrain.
The Basmachi Revolt, as historical term, covers incidents that took place in Fergana (first and second phases), Chorasmia (Хорезм /خوارزم; Khwarazm or Khawarizm or Khorezm; the Western part of today’s Uzbekistan), Bukhara, and Samarqand. A fully particular aspect of the counter-revolution phenomenon concerns the so-called Trans-Caspian Government (in the area of today’s Turkmenistan) and the English colonial Malleson mission. In the central and northern parts of today’s Kazakhstan the Basmachi Revolt took the form of Alash Autonomy (see above, part X, unit y).
a- Basmachi Revolt in Fergana Valley (first phase)
The most striking geomorphological particularity across the entire region is the Fergana Valley (Ферганская долина или Фергана; Фарғона водийси; Фергана өрөөнү; водии Фарғона; وادی فرغانه; 費爾幹納盆地), which is today divided among Kyrgyzstan (the valley’s eastern part), Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan (the western confines). Protected by high mountains all around and crossed by two rivers that come together to form the famous Syr Darya River (known as Iaxartes to Ancient Greeks and Romans), Fergana Valley has an area of about 25000 km2 and was for more than two millennia a high point of culture, wisdom, spirituality, arts, sciences and trade.
Being a mythical land of many Iranian and Turanian legends, literatures, and folklore traditions, an outstanding spot in the Silk Road, and a melting pot of numerous Iranian, Turanian and other nations and civilizations, Fergana was also the land of great fighters, formidable heroes, luminous mystics, and erudite scholars. With all this in mind and knowing that, in the beginning of the 20th c., the remotest places were left to the hands of backward tribal leaders, we can easily understand why all those mountainous areas, which had scarce communication with Russia’s major urban centers, became the center of the opposition to the successive czarist, republican and soviet governments. The major centers of unrest were the cities of Kokand, Andijan and Namangan, i.e. Fergana Valley’s part that belongs today to Uzbekistan.
In early 1917, the Jadid Movement and the Bolsheviks had several points of common understanding, and more importantly, they agreed on the need for autonomous rule to be granted to every nation or ethnic-religious group. For the Bolsheviks, the strict adherence of the Jadidists to the Bolshevik socioeconomic program would function as a ‘guarantee’ for their autonomous government; but this reality was not accurately perceived by the majority of the Jadidists. Even worse, as I have already described, the divergence of opinions among them was vast.
For reasons particular to the conditions of social life among the Muslim societies of Central Asia, most of the Jadidists, who were members of the All-Russian Muslim Council, found it opportune to set up an Islamic Council (Shura-i Islam) and share power with other Muslims. The main target was to proclaim an autonomous state and to isolate tribal leaders, conservative and backward elements and sheikhs. These reactionary elements wanted to secede from Russia/Soviet Union and establish a religious state based on what they called ‘religious law’ (Sharia), which in fact was their own, erroneous and mean, interpretation of the Islamic Fiqh. These elements opposed the Jadid intellectuals and activists, but they represented only a marginal minority among the Muslims of Central Asia; they founded the Ulema Jamiyeti. However, the two organizations had to soon merge, because of the formation of the Tashkent Soviet on the 2th March 1917. The fact that only two Muslims participated in this organization was viewed negatively; it was considered as an intention to cause confrontation with, and isolation of, the Muslim societies of Central Asia.
The decision of the Tashkent Soviet (Ташкентский городской совет) to allow only a minimal representation of the Muslim population turned it, practically speaking, to an organization of Russian settlers in Central Asia, notably railway workers, and other labor unions. As reaction to what appeared to be a colonial approach against them, the Kokand Autonomy (also known as Turkestan Autonomy/ Кокандская автономия или Туркестанская автономия) was proclaimed on 27th November 1917. It was a secular state with five official languages, namely Uzbek, Kazakh, Russian, Kirghiz and Tajik. It was located south of the Kazakh Alash Autonomy, which was proclaimed in December 1917 with capital at Semey and with authority over central and northern parts of today’s Kazakhstan. The first president the Kokand Autonomy was the Kazakh historian, ethnographer, journalist and political activist Mukhamedzhan Tynyshpaev and the second (and last) president was Mustafa Shokay (Мустафа Шокай; Мұстафа Шоқайұлы; مصطفى شقاي), an extraordinary theoretician, intellectual, author, polyglot, political activist, and unprecedented international adventurer (he was probably the only person to have been in touch with Kerensky, leading French statesmen, and the circles of people around Lenin, Kemal Ataturk, and Hitler.
Initially, the Tashkent Soviet recognized the Kokand Autonomy, limiting however its authority to Muslim villages, towns, cities and sectors of cities (for instance, Tashkent comprised of two different districts at the time). In addition, all the decisions of the Kokand Autonomy would be subject to final approval by the local soviet. Quite unfortunately, the divisions among the Muslims were disastrous and, despite the presence of many Jadidists, the Kokand authorities, who were viewing their rule as the comeback of the Kokand Khanate (1709-1886), decided to align themselves with the White Army. This proved to be a self-destructive decision. After Shokaev rejected the ultimatum issued by the Soviets (January 1918), started the hostilities; the soviet government dispatched an army and Armenian Dashnak terrorists to put everything under control, and in about three months the Kokand Autonomy was entirely dismantled. Following this noxious development, started the Basmachi Revolt.
The precarious, sectarian and reactionary character of the events that we call Basmachi Revolt is highlighted by the fact that all types of incidents, riots and raids were totally uncoordinated and relevant to diverse tribal localisms. First to revolt against the Soviet army were two Fergana sheikhs known as Irgash (Эргаш). The first of them was also known as ‘Little Irgash’ (Кичик Эргаш/ Küçük Ergaş; 1885-1918); he was killed in the Battle of Bachkir in February 1918.
The second Irgash, Mullah Irgash or Irgash Bey (Эргаш бек / Ergaş Bey), was also known as ‘Great Irgash’ (Катта Эргаш – Большой Эргаш; 1882-1921); he was a sheikh from Kokand, known for having many followers. Standing against the Soviet rule, he gathered several criminals into a group that he called an ‘Islamic army’ and he was acclaimed as the ‘supreme military leader’ (amir ul musalmin) by many other backward sheikhs of the remotest locations. It was certainly easy to gain supporters at a time the nationalization projects, which were implemented by the soviets, had caused economic disaster.
Around 20000 bandits took then control of the very fertile Fergana Valley. Irgash Bey managed to defeat the Red Army in the Kokand and Namangan regions. Initially, the Tashkent Soviet was unable to maintain the order, because they did not have many soldiers available; that is why their control was limited mainly to plains and big cities. All the same, divisions among the Muslims were so deep and occurred so often that quite soon the Great Irgash was constrained to fight with Madamin Bey (see below) for the rebel leadership; around the end of 1918, Irgash was defeated and wounded. Few years later, the Red Army spotted him and killed him.
The Tashkent Soviet was thus forced to mobilize as many Russian settlers as possible in order to form an impromptu army of volunteers. This military body was named “the Peasant Army of Fergana” (Крестьянская армия Ферганы); it was commanded by the settler, contractor and landowner Constantine Ivanovich Monstrov (1874-1920; Константин Иванович Монстров), who was famous for his enormous moustache. As one can understand, in similar cases, the brutality is excessive from both sides. Due to the disparate forces involved in the insurrection, multiple divisions took place and, after several months, other tribal leaders and fighters challenged and killed Little Iragsh.
For many long months during 1918 and early 1919, the Uzbek kurbashi (leader of raiders and bandits; Курбаши / قورباشی) Madamin Bey (مدمنبيک / Мадамин-бек; his real name was Muhammad Amin Ahmad Bek / Мухаммад Амин Ахмадбек; 1893-1920) tried to impose among the Fergana Muslims the choices of less intransigent people. In May 1919, he allied with the Russian settlers and decided to work with them in order to establish a common state. However, their joined forces were repeatedly defeated by the Muslim Volga Tatar Red Brigade and, in March 1920, Madamin Bey concluded a peace treaty with the Soviet government; his fighters became part of the Soviet Army, but one of the defectors assassinated him. On 20th March 1920, a celebration and a parade took place in Fergana in presence of Michael Frunze, the commander of the Red Army in the Eastern Front. Only small nuclei of rebels were able to survive hiding for some years in quasi-inaccessible mountains.
In Chorasmia, a wealthy Turkmen tribal chieftain known as Junaid Khan (Джунаид-хан; his real name was Muhammad Kurban Serdar / Мухаммед-Курбан Сердар; 1857-1938) gathered ca. 1600 armed horsemen and managed easily to prevail in large swaths of land in January 1918. The decay and the advanced decomposition of the traditional Muslim Turkmen society in that region are underscored by the fact that he, although illiterate, had great authority, being the qadi (Islamic court judge) and the water manager of an entire region; this situation was solely due to the fact that he belonged to the dominant Turkmen tribe of Yomutlar (Yomut; Йомуды). And as in his otherwise meaningless life he did nothing virtuous, he was honorably called ‘serdar’ (which is a Persian military term meaning ‘commander’), only because after 1912 (at the age of 55), he customarily robbed caravans in the Karakum desert.
In early 1918, Junaid Khan captured first Khiva, a major historical city and capital of an important khanate. As he had an enduring duel with the khan of Khiva (who was under czarist authority) Asfandiyar Khan (Асфандияр хан), an Uzbek, he took revenge by killing him, because back in 1912, Asfandiyar Khan had undertaken a punitive campaign against the Turkmens of the Takhta region, with whom the lifelong bandit Junaid Khan had sided at the time. This event occurred despite the fact that Asfandiyar Khan had changed his attitude toward Junaid Khan in January 1918 and appointed him as ‘commander’ of the Khiva Khanate’s armed forces.
I expand on a few details of the historical background just to show that any post-Soviet effort of glorification or ‘rehabilitation’ of the Basmachi Revolt only distorts the historical facts, tarnishes the true identity of Islam, promotes Islamic extremism, and plays into the UK-US colonial game. Junaid Khan was certainly not a freedom fighter; even worse, he was a fake Muslim, who -with his miserable life- helped write a shameful page of History, namely that of the Islamic decadence. Furthermore, at the time, the Turkmen were tribally divided across sectarian lines to an extent that fully justifies the Russian annexation of the territories that formed later the SSR of Turkmenistan and in 1991 the Republic of Turkmenistan.
In fact, the undeserved rise of Junaid Khan was due to his opportunistic mentality, his canny attitude and the deal he closed with one of the most extraordinary figures of Modern Russian Military History, the Cossack Ivan Matveyevich Zaitsev (Иван Матвеевич Зайцев; 1879-1934), colonel of the Russian Imperial Army, commander of the Orenburg Cossack Army, major-general of the Orenburg Independent Army (Оренбургская отдельная армия; an anti-Bolshevik force in the eastern front), bold maverick, border crossing adventurer, and infiltrator of the Soviet Army (with the intention to overthrow the regime), who at the end committed suicide. In September 1917, Zaitsev was returning from Iran where he had participated in Russian military operations against the English infiltration; he needed to put some sort of public order across Russian Turkestan and use local forces and resources against the Bolsheviks whose seizure of power he overwhelmingly rejected. Along with many other czarist loyalists, he set up the Turkestan Military Organization (Туркестанская военная организация). He then met Junaid Khan and managed to align his modest forces with his troops.
In reality, the upsurge in Khiva and the entire Chorasmia was a tribal affair linked with aspects of the White Army program and military activities; Junaid Khan’s prevalence in Khiva was mainly due to his alliance with Zaitsev’s forces, as the anti-Communist major-general needed the Turkmen bandit there, because he intended to foment insurgence against the Soviet rule throughout Central Asia. Zaitsev contacted the second president of the Kokand Autonomy, Mustafa Shokay, in order to agree on the terms of the common anti-Bolshevik fight. From Khiva, he proceeded straight to Chardzhou (Чарджоу; چهارجوی; today’s Türkmenabat-Түркменабат), then further to Samarqand, and finally to Tashkent, while also mobilizing for his campaign the Ural Cossacks, the Siberian Cossacks, and the Aral Cossacks (аральские уральцы; these Cossacks were Christian Orthodox Old Believers/ старообрядцы казаки).
Zaitsev’s heteroclite forces managed to occupy Samarqand, but failed to conquer Tashkent; however, after several battles, they were forced out of Samarqand. Zaitsev had to flee, and later he was arrested and condemned, but managed to escape (July 1918). Junaid Khan’s control of Khiva was unstable, but it lasted for most of 1918 and 1919. In early 1920, the Red Army prevailed, Junaid Khan’s forces were dispersed and Sayid Abdullah (Саид Абдулла хан; سعید عبدالله خان; 1871-1933; Asfandiyar Khan’s brother who had only nominal authority, after being appointed by the usurper Junaid Khan) was compelled to abdicate.
the flag of the Khorezm People’s Soviet Republic
Then, the short-lived Khorezm People’s Soviet Republic (Xorazm Xalq Sovet Jumhuriyati; Хорезмская Народная Советская Республика) was proclaimed (26 April 1920) on parts of the territories of today’s Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan; this Soviet Republic was renamed in 1923 as Khorezm Socialist Soviet Republic (Хорезмская ССР) and finally abolished in 1924, after being divided among the Soviet Socialist Republics of Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan and the Karakalpak Autonomous Oblast, which is nowadays named Republic of Karakalpakstan (in Russian: Каракалпакия / in Karakalpak: Қарақалпақстан Республикасы) and constitutes the northwestern part of Uzbekistan. Junaid Khan continued his raids, attacks and burglaries for some years, until he finally escaped in Iran and then Afghanistan where he died. Only in 1928, the Soviet state got rid of his nuisance, after a special military operation was undertaken in the Karakum desert.
c- Basmachi Revolt in Bukhara
In Bukhara, the Basmachi Revolt took the form of a swansong, namely that of the Manghud dynasty (Мангыты; 1756-1920). In fact, after 1868, the Khanate of Bukhara was merely a vassal state to Russia and therefore the venue of several Russian Imperial ambassadors. The emirs of Bukhara were predominantly pro-Russian, open to new technologies, modern sciences and academic knowledge, also having a friendly attitude toward the Jadid Movement. Following the death of his father, Sayyid Abd al-Ahad Khan (Сеид Абдулахад-хан; 1859-1910; ruling after 1885), Sayyid Mir Muhammad Alim Khan (Сеид Мир Мухаммед Алим-хан; سعید عالمخان; 1880-1944) ruled over the khanate. Like his father, he had been sent to Russian educational and academic institutions where he became acquainted with techniques of modern war and administration.
His rule was basically a matter of disappointment, disillusion and deception for him. Being initially close to concepts and principles of the Jadid Movement, he tried to eliminate the corruption brought about due to the collapse of the Islamic civilization and the prevalence of ignorant sheikhs and tribal mentality; however, after some early successes, he failed in his effort. To pull him to their reactionary and pseudo-religious ideas, the obscurantist sheikhs of Bukhara utilized the very old method of flattery. By inflating his ambitions and by convincing him to bear the then already meaningless title of caliph, they managed to drag the otherwise progressive emir of Bukhara to positions that could not match with those of the Bukharan Jadid activists, who progressively leaned toward the rising Bolsheviks. When the imperial authority was overthrown in Petrograd, Bukhara became a de facto self-ruled state. All the same, Sayyid Mir Muhammad Alim Khan had already been pulled to anti-Bolshevik positions, and because of this development, the Bukharan Jadidist organization of the Young Bukharans (Младобухарцы; Uzb. بوحارا یاشاری; Uzb. Yosh buxoroliklar; Farsi جوانبخارائیان; Genç Buharalılar / founded in 1909, it was totally unrelated to the Genç Türkler / Neo-Turks) contacted the Bolsheviks in March 1918 to announce that the city and the khanate were ready to accept the Red Army.
When the Red Army reached Bukhara, asking the emir to abdicate, the ill-tempered Sayyid Mir Muhammad Alim Khan killed the delegation and several hundreds of pro-Communist Bukharans and Russians. The ominous overlord was able to continue ruling during 1919, but Bukhara was twice attacked in 1920 (March and September) and in the second siege, Mikhail Frunze managed to destroy the formidable walls of the legendary Ark (: fortress) of Bukhara and squelch the rebellion. Innocuous but indescribable, the ill-starred emir escaped to Dushanbe (Tajikistan) and thence to Kabul (Afghanistan). From there and until he died (5/5/1944), he tried in vain to get back his lost treasures (27 million rubles in gold, 7 million rubles in private banks, 150 million rubles in French and English banks & 32 million rubles deposited in foreign banks). During his exile, he survived as karakul / astrakhan (fleece) trader, and even managed to finance the Basmachi bandits for some time.
d- Basmachi Revolt in Fergana Valley (second phase)
The second phase of the Basmachi Revolt in Fergana started in Bukhara in November 1921. It was then that Enver Pasha arrived there, after he failed to be accepted back in Kemal Ataturk’s Turkey. When the Young Turks’ most inconsistent and most ominous chief reached Bukhara, he had just crossed his life’s most tumultuous period. After being dismissed from the position of War Minister (4 October 1918), he had to flee, because the Sultan had been ordered by the English to declare defeat (Enver Pasha wanted to continue the fight against England and France); he therefore moved to Germany where he stayed for some months, contacting military officers and political activists, before traveling to Bolshevik Russia (April 1919).
In Moscow, Enver Pasha contacted all communist leaders (Lenin included) and tried to establish a German-Russian-Turanian-Oriental alliance against English-French colonialism and imperialism. From there, he also tried to help Mustafa Kemal Pasha Ataturk (in spite of his earlier contempt for the Father of Modern Turkey); as he appeared quite useful to the new elite in Moscow, they welcomed him, and he participated in the famous Congress of the Peoples of the East (Съезд народов Востока), which was held in Baku in September 1920. There he delivered a fervent speech, proving that he could be beneficial at both, military and socio-political, levels. In July 1921, Enver Pasha reached Batumi, capital of Adjaria (Georgia), and attempted to enter Turkey (having the intention to contribute to the Turkish War of Independence, which was undertaken under the leadership of Kemal Ataturk), but was blocked at the border.
The endless topic of personal relations between Kemal Ataturk and Enver Pasha can be discussed in dozens of PhD dissertations, but in reality Ataturk’s overall negative assessment and ultimate rejection of Enver Pasha was due to the latter’s apparently unstable mood, temporary chimeras, erroneous perception of balance of power, and unrealistic evaluation of the consequences of his actions and of his opponents’ reactions to them. Enver Pasha returned to Moscow and soon afterwards (autumn 1921), he was sent by Lenin to Bukhara, then capital of the short-lived (1920-1924) Bukharan People’s Soviet Republic (Бухарская Народная Советская Республика / Buxoro Xalq Shoʻro Jumhuriyati / جمهوری خلقی شوروی بخارا / Ҷумҳурии Халқии Шӯравии Бухоро) with the task to extinguish the Basmachi banditry. This proved to be one of Lenin’s worst mistakes.
Untrustworthy, chimeric and self-destructive as never before, Enver Pasha in fact defected to the rebel side and, instead of putting down the uprising, he attempted to regenerate it, organize the bandits into a military corps, and use them for the sole personal benefit of becoming the ruler of a delusional Central Asiatic Turanian state at the very antipodes of Kemal Ataturk’s Turkey. Contacting and cooperating with Junaid Khan and Shir Muhammad Bek ‘Gazi’ {basically known as Kurshirmat / Korşirmat / Курширмат and at times named Mahmud Bek (Mahmood-bek / Махмуд-бек); 1895-1970; Шир Мухаммед-бек ‘Гази’ (grandson of Khudoyar-Khan, who was one of the last rulers of Kokand – see above part XV unit a)}, Enver Pasha managed to establish a significant and sufficiently trained force (of ca. 20000 bandits turned soldiers) and appear as a serious challenge to the Soviet rule in Central Asia. In the early months of 1922, Soviet authority in the region was dwindling. Sizeable parts of the territories of today’s Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan went out of control. At the same time, the Soviet regime gained an unexpected and valuable supporter: the Dungan Muslims (of Chinese Hui origin) and their commander Magaza Masanchi (1886-1937; Магазы Лебузович Масанчи).
Шир Мухаммед-бек Гази (отмечен цифрой 1) с ближайшими сподвижниками: 2. Лашкарбаши Нурмуххамедбек (его брат) 3. Лашкарбаши мулла Хатам; 4. главный секретарь Назир Кабави. / Shir Muhammad-bek Gazi (marked with the number 1) with the closest associates: 2. Lashkarbashi Nurmukhamedbek (his brother); 3. Lashkarbashi mullah Khatam; 4. Chief Secretary Nazir Kabawi. From: https://topwar.ru/149794-kak-jenver-pasha-pytalsja-sozdat-vsemirnuju-tjurkskuju-imperiju.html
An eventual secession of Turkestan from Soviet Union in 1922 would certainly be an absurd and paradoxical phenomenon; this is so because the Soviet administration consciously implemented an overwhelming Korenizatsiya (Коренизация) policy in striking contrast with the imperial practices of the previous decades. The Soviet term originates from the Russian words ‘коренное население’ (korenoe naselenie), which mean ‘native population’; it encapsulates the Soviet concept of nation and the Soviet theory on the right of peoples to self-determination (as illustrated in Lenin’s The Right of Nations to Self-Determination and in Stalin’s Marxism and the National Question). This approach systematically promoted the use of the native mother tongue in the education and the administration of the various soviet republics, guaranteed the involvement of natives in the local government at all levels, and straightforwardly opposed the imperial policies of Russification. In addition, the Soviet authorities had made significant concessions as regards the validity of the Islamic Law, the existence of the medresas (Quranic schools), and the reinstatement of the Waqf (Vakıf) lands. For all these reasons, Enver Pasha’s unplanned and unprepared proposal of an otherwise ill-defined Turkestan did not offer much instead.
When Enver Pasha turned from asset to liability for the Soviet authorities, the Dungan Muslim regiment proved to be highly important; the Dungans (Дунгане; 东干族) were Chinese Hui (回族 – Hui-zu; Хуэй) Muslims, who migrated from China on different occasions during the 19th c. and settled in various territories of Central Asia, notably parts of today’s Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. Today, there are ca. 15 million Hui in China (where they are recognized as an independent ethnic-religious group), but only ca. 200000 in Central Asia; totally unrelated (and rather rival) to Uighurs, the Hui are of Chinese Han ancestry.
Gradually, the Soviet authorities mobilized forces able to put down the upsurge, also utilizing military aircraft; they motivated most of the people in Central Asia, and particularly all those who supported Jadid intellectuals and Communist activists. Many volunteered to join the Red Army, and after a series of battles in April and May 1922, Enver Pasha’s forces were first defeated – to some extent due to airstrikes, which were undertaken by the Soviet air forces {the Soviet Air Forces (военно-воздушные силы) were the re-organized form of the Imperial Russian Air Service (Императорскій военно-воздушный флотъ) that was the world’s largest air fleet in 1914}. Enver Pasha was offered a peace proposal that he declined (May 1922) only to face further defeats in June and July. The capture of Dushanbe by the Red Army (14 July 1922) marked an irreversible step in the Soviet effort to put down the Basmachi banditry.
Despite his defeats in many battles and although the enemy was very close, Enver Pasha was still foolish enough to allow his remaining troops to enjoy the celebration of Kurban Bayramı (Eid al-Adha)! As his whereabouts were reported, the Bashkir cavalry brigade (so, an entirely Muslim force) under the Armenian commander Yakov Melkumov (Яков Аркадьевич Мелькумов; 1885-1962) attacked them, thus spreading chaos in the already disorganized force. Enver Pasha managed to escape with his guard; the pursuit lasted several days, but finally he was killed on 4th August 1922.
Enver Pasha’s subordinate, Selim Pasha, continued the struggle for some time until he finally escaped to Afghanistan in 1923. Several battles took place then in the upper flow of Zeravshan River, in Hissar Valley, in Darvaz region and other mountainous lands close to the borders of Afghanistan. Sporadic clashes used to occur throughout Soviet Central Asia in 1923-1925, because Ibrahim Bek (Ибрагим-бек; Иброҳимбек Чакабаев – Ibrohimbek Chaqaboev; 1889-1931) re-organized banditry and undertook several raids, until he too was forced to find shelter in Afghanistan. Subsequently, numerous, rather minor incursions were incessantly launched from the territory of Afghanistan against the Soviet rule in Central Asia; for this purpose, arms were regularly smuggled into the Soviet Union and bandits hidden there from village to village.
Иброҳимбек Чакабаев – Ibrohimbek Chaqaboev
Junaid Khan was able to also launch an attack against Khiva in 1926; it took two years for the Soviet forces to fully dismantle this group. Due to this situation, which could not lead anywhere, the bulk of Central Asiatic population of Soviet Union gradually embraced the Communist regime. Still, the Red Army was forced to carry out several operations inside Afghanistan, notably in 1929 and 1930, in order to make sure that no further attacks would originate from that land.
Korshimat was also defeated and escaped in Afghanistan too (in September 1922); moved by his acrimonious feelings, he set up an intelligence network, which later proved to be quite important for the Japanese, Turkish and German secret services. From Afghanistan, he organized an anti-Soviet guerilla during WWII, while working under the guidance of the German Abwehr (military intelligence). For this reason, Soviet historiographers used to date the end of the Basmachi movement in the early 1940s.
e- Basmachi Revolt in Samarqand
With the collapse of the imperial rule, Muslim rebels seized power in the wider Samarqand region and, in November 1918, they proclaimed the independence of all the lands up to the Matcha (or Mastcha) region (Матча или Мастча́; Мастчоҳ), which corresponds mainly to today’s Gorno-Matchinsky district of the Sughd vilayet of Tajikistan. In the autumn of 1919, Penjikent, Khujand, Ura-Tube, and Samarqand formed a self-ruled territory.
In 1921, the leading Bashkir Jadidist theoretician and explorer Ahmed Zaki Validov (see above: part X, unit r) arrived in Samarqand. He had already started criticizing and opposing the Bolsheviks, and therefore Samarqand was an ideal location for him to expand his multifaceted endeavors and activities. As he was accompanied by significant forces, he merged with the local rebels, who were fascinated with his ideological clarity and his undeniable eloquence. He soon became the undisputed leader of the Basmachi Movement; until 1923, he was the chairman of the ‘National Union of Turkistan’. However, the rebel troops were repeatedly defeated in 1922-1923, and then Validov escaped to Iran, taking with him the original manuscripts of Ahmad ibn Fadlan (see above: part V no 4) that he had found in the meantime. This valuable document consists in a major historical source for the History of Eastern Europe, as it details the diffusion of Islam in Volga Bulgaria – 70 years before Kievan Rus accepted Christianity. Despite their defeats, various dispersed local rebels kept launching attacks across this region until as late as 1935.
The Turkmen Basmachi revolt in the Trans-Caspian region (today’s Turkmenistan) reached significant proportions in 1918 and also (partly and briefly) in 1922, but by 1924, it was almost completely suppressed by the Red Army and various local pro-Soviet formations. It all started with the apparent desire for political autonomy that prevailed among the Turkmen around the end of 1917 and the subsequent formation of the Turkmen National Army in February 1918. The Ashgabat (Bolshevik) Soviet did not have sufficient forces to maintain control and that’s why it demanded help from the Tashkent Soviet. The opponents of the Bolshevik Soviet belonged to either the Menshevik Party (Russian Social Demorcratic Labour Party / Российская социал-демократическая рабочая партия) or the Socialist Revolutionary Party (Партия социалистов-революционеров), and in their majority, they were workers of the Trans-Caspian Railway. The dispatched forces were not sufficient and, after several clashes, the rebels prevailed.
The tumultuous proclamation (11th-12th July 1918) of the Trans-Caspian Provisional Government (Закаспийское временное правительство) was the consequence the fact that the majority of the people did not accept the Ashgabat Soviet’s order for a census of armed men (which was issued in mid-June 1918). Fyodor Adrianovich Funtikov (Фёдор Адрианович Фунтиков; 1876-1926), who was a Russian Socialist Revolutionary railway worker and a significant opponent of the Bolshevik rule, led the uprising. This shows clearly that the incidents had no ethnic or religious but rather political motives. The dispatched forces under Fyodor Ivanovich Kalesov (Фёдор Иванович Колесов; 1891-1940), chairman (November 1917–November 1918) of the (Tashkent-based) Soviet (Совет Народных комиссаров: Council of People’s Commissars) of the Turkestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, acted very violently and unwisely killing indiscriminately and persecuting the local population. The Bolshevik armed forces were therefore obliged to withdraw, after having many dead among them in the clashes.
The Trans-Caspian Provisional Government included Turkmen khans, Social Revolutionaries, Mensheviks, Dashnak Armenians, and even several individuals of the imperial administration. On 21st July 1918, almost the entire territory of the Trans-Caspian region (today’s Turkmenistan) was controlled by the anti-Bolshevik forces. Furthermore, they intended to soon convene a constituent assembly. General Uraz-Serdar (the son of the last Turkmen Khan Tykma-Serdar) and the officers Hadji Murat, Khan Yomudsky, and Ovozbaev (of the Russian army) were the Turkmen who took part in the government. As the meager armed forces of the government (less than 2000 men) were defeated by Bolshevik army on 28th July 1918 near Chardzhou (see above part VIII unit c), the Trans-Caspian Government turned to the English military detachment in Mashhad (NE Iran) for help.
Imperial Russian territories of the Trans-Caspian region (Территории Закаспийской области)
What follows constitutes an excellent demonstration of the criminal English colonial policies, and of England’s perfidious plans providing for divisions, destructions and bloodshed throughout Central Asia and the Eurasiatic landmass in general. At the same time, the numerous incidents, which occurred due to the ultimately failed English intervention in the Trans-Caspian region in 1918 (nowadays euphemistically baptized ‘Malleson mission’ by the disreputable center of worldwide disinformation named ‘Wikipedia’), constitute today an excellent historical lesson and a perfect reason for all the states of the wider region to resolutely close down forever all English, Australian, Canadian and US embassies, consulates, institutes and NGOs and to ban British Commonwealth and US citizens from entering their territories. As a matter of fact, the only reason for an English to be present in Central Asia is to foment discord and enmity, and to promote anti-Chinese, anti-Russian, and anti-Iranian hatred among all the indigenous Turkic nations in order to further trigger wars, destructions, ruins, and endless killings.
The English colonial plans against all the nations of Central Asia were immediately set in motion as soon as the Russian imperial government collapsed in early 1917. As a matter of fact, London’s colonial interference in Central Asia is the continuation of England’s destructive involvement and unprecedented evildoing first in the Mughal Empire’s territories and later in Iran. Gradual, methodic and sophisticated colonial infiltration is at the origin of the gradual collapse of the Qajar dynasty of Iran (1789-1925). The truly last Qajar Shah, who reigned in Iran, was Mozaffar ad-Din Shah Qajar (مظفرالدین شاه قاجار; 1853-1907; he reigned after 1896).
Due to English, French, Russian and Ottoman infiltration and owed to incessant propagation of viciously anti-Iranian, lowly, villainous and barbarian concepts, such as democracy, parliament, civil rights, and politics, Mozaffar ad-Din Shah Qajar was forced to open the first Iranian parliament in 1906; after making this disastrous and calamitous concession to the criminal colonial powers, he died due to an unexpected and mysterious heart attack. His son Mohammad Ali Shah Qajar (محمدعلی شاه قاجار; 1872-1925) reigned only for 2.5 years (1907-1909). Perfidious, heinous and criminal English diplomats duplicitously exhorted him to close the parliament down; supporting both sides, the English colonials strongly encouraged and guided the parliamentarians and parts of the Iranian army as to how to depose the shah.
Thus, soon after he bombarded the parliament, he was held captive by his rebellious officers and deputies, who -inflicting a national disaster on their own country- forced the shah to abdicate and to flee to exile. His son, Ahmad Shah Qajar (احمد شاه قاجار; 1898-1930), the boy king, was merely a symbolic figurehead, who could not avoid serving his criminal colonial masters; they used to fool him on daily basis in order to continue England’s incessant evildoing in Iran. Finally, he was marginalized after the 1921 military coup, sent to exile in 1923, deposed in 1925, and finally buried in 1930. The shameful story of the last three decades of Qajar rule was ludicrously named ‘Persian Constitutional Revolution’ (انقلاب مشروطه), and its last phase was called ‘Jungle Movement of Gilan’.
Ahmad Shah Qajar
For the aforementioned reasons, the English colonials were able to dispatch forces from their colonies in India through Iran to Central Asia. Their criminal colonial deeds were euphemistically named ‘Persian Campaign during WWI’, whereas in Farsi they are called ‘ اشغال ایران در جنگ جهانی اول’ (Occupation of Iran during WWI). The mere presence of the heinous colonial gansgters triggered famine, cholera, typhoid and plague in which no less than 7-8 million people perished. However, in today’s rotten world, no one speaks about the Iranian genocide, which was deliberately carried out by the English barbarians.
The so-called ‘British military mission in Turkestan’ was established immediately after the abdication of Czar Nikolai II. It was led by Major General Wilfrid Malleson (1866-1946) and it also included the notorious gangster Reginald Teague-Jones (1889-1988), an intelligence officer, who carried out so heinous, inhuman and beastly deeds that he was forced to change name in 1922 and live afterwards secluded as ‘Ronald Sinclair’ somewhere in England for no less than 66 years! The English military force encamped in the outskirts of Mashhad as early as August 1917. They immediately established contacts with various tribal leaders, ignorant and uneducated sheikhs, and small merchants in several cities across the southern territories of Central Asia whereby confusion and chaos started prevailing after the collapse of the imperial administration.
In general, the English infiltration in Central Asia can be divided into three periods:
a) January to July 1918: this was the period of early contacts and covert interference in the local affairs; it involved minimal financial assistance and limited technical help (at the military level) offered to the Trans-Caspian Provisional Government.
b) August 1918 to March 1919: during this period the English attempted to invade the territory of Turkmenistan (then rather named ‘Trans-Caspian region’).
c) April 1919 to 2020: during this period, the bulk of the English forces withdrew, because they realized that they did not have sufficient forces to be further involved in the region and that they had failed to turn the local nations against the Soviet rule up to a point that would create serious trouble to the Soviet government. All the same, they maintained their contacts, kept monitoring the developments closely, and offered limited technical help and instructions.
After the Trans-Caspian Government first contacted the English in Mashhad, a small group of officers were dispatched to Ashgabat. As they assessed the local forces’ capacity as nil, they trained them and led them in skirmishes against the equally small forces that the Bolshevik government could avail in that remote region. Soon afterwards, W. Malleson sent another small force of ca. 500 fighters (Indians in their majority), who managed to oppose further Communist attacks. On 12th August 1918, a supplementary force (ca. 500 Indian soldiers of the 19th Punjabi Regiment) crossed the border and merged with the Turkmen Trans-Caspian force. On 19th August 1918, the Ashgabat authorities under Funtikov signed an agreement with General Malleson. This was how thoughtless and fanatic opposition to the Bolsheviks turned out to be a form of high treason.
At the same time, the English dispatched another mission directly to Tashkent; few men under Colonel F. Bailey (Frederick Marshman Bailey; 1882-1967) crossed through Kashgar (Eastern Turkestan / Xinjiang, China) and the Fergana Valley (Osh in today’s Kyrgyzstan and Andijan in today’s Uzbekistan) and reached Tashkent on 10th August 1918. The mission included Captain L. V. S. Blacker (who is known for his report ‘From India to Russia in 1914’ that was published by Royal Geographical Society, London, 1917) and four Hindu servants. Only few days later, Sir George Macartney (馬繼業; 1867-1945; he was half-Chinese and also the godchild of the Chinese general Li Hongzhang), the former British consul in Kashgar (at the end of a 28-year tenure there), arrived in Tashkent; he introduced Colonel F. Bailey and Captain L. V. S. Blacker to the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs of the Turkestan Republic (народный комиссариат иностранных дел Туркестанской республики) as English diplomats.
Andijan and the entire Fergana Valley lived in turmoil for almost 30 years because of the British colonial interference. Above: a rare picture of the Andijan events in 1898. From: https://kghistory.akipress.org/unews/un_post:7665What is true for Andijan is also valid for Osh, another distinct center of civilization in the Fergana Valley; the people accepted happily the two successive revolutions in 1917. All the troubles started later, with the English infiltration, which took the same form as today, namely incitation of uneducated, ignorant and silly sheikhs against the central government. From: https://www.open.kg/about-kyrgyzstan/cities/osh-city/32984-osh-sobytiya-na-yuge-kirgizii-v-fevrale-1917-g.htmlWhat occurred in the Fergana Valley was repeated in the Caucasus region with the colonial English infiltration and intervention being the main reason for all the inter-ethnic killings and the religious hatred that cost the life to many. Dunsterforce trains people in the streets of Baku.English colonial gangsters Major-General Lionel Charles Dunsterville (right) and Commodore David Thomas Norris (left) sailing on the Caspian Sea in 1918 on a confiscated boat and only to further spread chaos and perpetrate atrocious killings. From: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dunsterforce https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lionel_Dunsterville https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/South_Persia_Rifles
As it is understood, the arrival of the English diplomats in Tashkent coincided with the first clashes between the Malleson Mission forces and the Red Army around Ashgabat. This complicated the Tashkent mission of the English diplomats whose tasks included every type of evildoing involving bribery, contacts with all sorts of local anti-Bolshevik elements, and instigation of disorder, criminality and rebellion. Even worse for them, a Russian employee of the Russian-Asiatic Bank (Русско-Азиатский банк) Kashgar branch duly informed the members of the Central Executive Committee (центральный исполнительный комитет) of Turkestan as regards the real nature and the hostile targets of the English mission, sharing with them his experience on Colonel F. Bailey’s contacts with anti-Bolshevik Russian employees of the bank branch in Kashgar. The evil English diplomats, who established ties with various elements of the anti-Bolshevik forces in Tashkent, pretended that their criminal deeds were merely German rumors! Of course, the Soviet authorities did not believe a word said by those gangsters. The mission ended when Sir George Macartney and Captain L. V. S. Blacker left back for Kashgar (28th September 1918), after they realized that the English did not have any chance to duly destabilize Soviet Central Asia.
Only Colonel F. Bailey and his Indian servant stayed further in Tashkent only to be soon placed under house arrest and then ordered to leave. However, thanks to the illegal network of informers that he had already established, he was timely informed about the permission that the local Soviet had asked from Moscow in order to arrest them, and then he disappeared being disguised as an Austrian prisoner of war (1st November 1918). After staying out of Tashkent for some weeks, he returned as a pro-Bolshevik Austrian prisoner of war, and with the help of a real Austrian prisoner of war, he got a job position in the 2nd department of the Military Control. From that position, he was sent to conduct counterintelligence operations against the English officers, who were around the Emir of Bukhara; however, he used this opportunity to form a small detachment of White Army officers, escape with them, and finally reach General W. Mallison in Mashhad (NE Iran), at a distance of ca. 570 km. While he was crossing the deserts Kyzylkum (Кызылкум) and Karakum (Каракум), among the people, who joined his small group, was the Russian prince Alexandre Nikolaïevitch Iskander (after 1925 Romanovski-Iskander; Александр Николаевич Искандер; 1887-1957), who later returned to Tashkent and participated in several uprisings there (1919) and in Crimea (1920), before moving to exile first in Greece (following an invitation extended to him by his aunt and godmother, the then Queen Regent Olga of Greece) and then in France.
The sort of the Malleson Mission was bloodier; the combined Turkmen-Czarist-anti-Bolshevik Communist-Hindu forces under English commandment engaged in many battles, notably on 28th August, 11th and 18th September, 9th–11th October (the battle of Arman Sagad / Арман-Сагад), and 14th October (the battle of Dushak / Душак). They repeatedly prevailed over the Bolshevik forces, but due to the limited number of forces on both sides, no conclusive victory was possible for either side. All the same, the English dispatched further reinforcements, notably the 28th Light Cavalry (after 1935 it was known as 7th Light Cavalry) from India. As a consequence of these victories, the combined forces occupied Tejen (Теджен), more than 200 km SE of Ashagabat, and Mery (or Marv; Мары/ Мерв; مرو), ca. 180 km NE of Tejen.
In September 1918, a heinous crime was committed in Krasnovodsk (Красноводск; currently known as Turkmenbashi / Türkmenbaşy / Түркменбашы); the English political and intelligence officer Reginald Teague-Jones bears the entire responsibility for the crime. After the fall of the short-lived Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic (22 April – 28 May 1918; led by the ‘Council’ or ‘Sejm’ in which Azeris, Georgians and Armenians co-existed peacefully, but Bolsheviks did not participate), the Azerbaijani National Council founded the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic in Tiflis on 28 May 1918. This was the first secular republic throughout the Islamic world in modern times. Ganja was declared provisory capital, because Baku was already occupied by the Bolsheviks. In fact, the Commune of Baku did not include only Bolsheviks, but practically speaking all the anti-Muslim and anti-Azeri forces of the wider region (namely Social Revolutionaries, Mensheviks, and even the anti-Bolshevik Kadets, and Armenian Dashnaks). This was the conseuquence of the earlier clashes between Armenians and Azeris and the deliberate genocide of Azeris perpetrated by the heinous Dashnak party members. On the 5th June, they managed with difficulty to oppose an Azeri-German-Ottoman attack.
The fact that the Baku government consisted of so diverse (ethnically and ideologically) elements did not bode well. When the Bolsheviks rejected the treacherous idea of asking English help against the victorious Azeri-German-Ottoman army, the Armenian Dashnaks conspired with the Social Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks, kicked the Bolsheviks out, imprisoned them, and proclaimed the so-called Centro-Caspian Dictatorship (Sentrokaspi Diktaturası / Диктатура Центрокаспия), an ephemerous tyranny that lasted from the 26th July until the 15th September 1918. The 26 Commissars of the Baku Commune {under the gangster Stepan Shahumyan (or Shaumian / Степан Георгиевич Шаумян; 1878-1918), who was also known as the ‘Caucasian Lenin’} tried to escape to Astrakhan, but were intercepted by the Imperial Russian Caspian fleet, arrested and delivered back to Baku where they were imprisoned for about 45 days and then liberated by few Red Army soldiers under Anastas Mikoyan (Анастас Иванович Микоян; 1895-1978; the renowned Soviet statesman) at the very time of the Ottoman-German-Azeri final attack, invasion and liberation of Baku. The English army {a 1,000-strong elite force under Major General Lionel Dunsterville (which hd arrived after sailing in the Caspian Sea from the Iranian harbor of Bandar-e Anzali/Бендер-Энзели / بندرانزلی)} was then evacuated. The 26 Baku Commissars intended to sail to Astrakhan, the only Caspian harbor under Bolshevik control at the time, but due to the presence of two English officers onboard, the captain was forced to navigate to Krasnovodsk where the commissars were arrested again, this time by the Turkmen-English forces under Reginald Teague-Jones.
As soon as the Ashgabat Committee and Fyodor Funtikov came to know about the identity of the newly arrived statesmen and activists, they decided to execute them; as they evidently depended on the English officers, they had to discuss the topic with Captain Teague-Jones and get his approval for the execution. Without the consent of the top English military, no deliberate massacre of Bolshevik officials would take place. In an article published in Izvestia few months only after the event (no 85, 23rd April 1919), Stalin denounced Captain Teague-Jones for the ‘savage murder’, further accusing him for “intending to circulate false testimony to the effect that the Baku Bolsheviks had died a ‘natural’ death in prison or hospital”. The article titled ‘The Shooting of the Twenty-Six Baku Comrades by Agents of British Imperialism’ makes state of evil English efforts to put the blame on others and to attribute their inhuman deeds to third persons or groups of people. Stalin wrote the following:
“The second document recounts a conversation that the author of the first document, Chaikin, had with the British General Thomson towards the close of March 1919. General Thomson demanded that Chaikin should name the eye-witnesses of the savage murder of the 26 Baku Bolsheviks by Captain Teague-Jones. Chaikin was prepared to present the documents and to name the witnesses on condition that a commission of inquiry were set up composed of representatives of the British command, the population of Baku and the Turkestan Bolsheviks. Chaikin furthermore demanded a guarantee that the Turkestan witnesses would not be assassinated by British agents. Since Thomson refused to agree to the appointment of a commission of inquiry and would give no guarantee of the personal safety of the witnesses, the conversation was broken off and Chaikin left. The document is interesting because it indirectly confirms the barbarity of the British imperialists, and not merely testifies but cries out against the impunity and savagery of the British agents who vent their ferocity on Baku and Transcaspian “natives” just as they do on Negroes in Central Africa“.
In fact, the Soviet authorities extensively investigated the terrible massacre that occurred on the 20th September 1918 in Turkmenistan, and for this purpose, a special commission (under Vadim Chaikin / already mentioned in Stalin’s article as per above) was established. The fact was widely discussed, and a renowned Soviet painter Isaak Brodsky (Исаак Израилевич Бродский; 1883-1939) immortalized the ‘Execution of the 26 Baku Commissars’ (‘Расстрел 26 бакинских комиссаров’) in his painting (1925; currently in the Museum Mashkova in Volgograd). Quite contrarily, English authors tried to present diametrically opposite versions and narratives in order to effectively portray the English officers as innocent. All the same, the fact that Captain Teague-Jones had to change his name and live in seclusion and anonymity for no less than 66 years of his life after this heinous crime is quite telling. And until as late as 1956, General Wilfrid Malleson kept boringly denying any English involvement and responsibility.
The executed and dismembered (not just ‘decapitated’) 26 Baku commissioners belonged to many different ethnicities, namely Azeri (notably Meshadi Azizbekov, Deputy People’s Commissar of Internal Affairs and gubernial commissar for Baku), Armenian (more particularly Stepan Shahumian, the Chairman of the Baku Council of the People’s Commissars and Commissar Extraordinary for the Caucasus), Georgian, Russian, Latvian, Jewish and Greek (Heracles Metaxas / Irakly Metaksa; Ираклий Панаитович Метакса; Ηρακλής Μεταξάς του Παναγιώτη; 1889-1918; he was born in Batumi and served as Shahumian’s bodyguard). Several memorials were built in the USSR to honor the memory of the 26 Commissars and to underscore the atrocities committed by the colonial powers. When Azerbaijan decided in 2009 to demolish the Baku Memorial (in an effort to erase the Soviet past from the collective historical memory), the decision caused a certain reaction from Armenia, but it was implemented promptly.
Stepan ShahumianAnastas Mikoyan / 01.01.1965 Председатель Президиума Верховного Совета СССР Анастас Иванович Микоян. Рыков / РИА Новости
One of the most obscure parts and undecipherable points of this story is how Anastas Mikoyan, then a subordinate of Stepan Shahumyan, managed to survive and then escape from this massacre. Plausible interpretations vary, and the most common explanation is that his name was not found on the list of Commissars’ names that the Ashgabat Committee managed to get; still this is highly hypothetical and ostensibly too convenient for an immovable member of the Soviet nomenklatura, i.e. someone who stayed invariably in power for almost half a century under all (Lenin, Stalin, Khushchev and Brezhnev)!
The Ashgabat Committee was an unstable and disparate formation and, to the eyes of the English colonial officers, this fact could jeopardize their interests and prevent them from achieving their targets. As there were continually many disputes and conflicting opinions about the continuation of the anti-Bolshevik fight among the very diverse elements of this governmental body, the English intervened brusquely in Ashgabat in December 1918, using the popular protests as an excuse, dissolving the government, and establishing (1st January 1919) an arbitrary “Committee of Public Salvation” entirely manned by Turkmen traitors-puppets of the English officers, who were under the orders of the gangster Teague-Jones. This meant that, in fact, there was an English dictatorship in that part of the Russian territory.
On 16th January 1919, the Indian, English and Turkmen (Trans-Caspian) forces repelled an attack launched by the Red Army at Annenkovo, between Merv and Chardzhou (Türkmenabat); the Bolsheviks wanted to destroy the railway line and thus eliminate their enemies’ escape route, but despite their numerical superiority, they failed to materialize their targets. However, the very limited resources that the English could avail and the number of casualties that they had convinced them that it would be better to allow the White Army military leadership to take control of the situation. The English decided then to merely coordinate the anti-Bolshevik efforts undertaken by local forces in the Terek, Dagestan and Trans-Caspian regions and to offer minimal financial support and adequate training to Anton Denikin’s henchmen.
The developments in Tashkent (the anti-Bolshevik uprising of 19th January 1919 and its subsequent suppression two days later) convinced Lieutenant-General Denikin that he had urgent tasks to complete in Turkmenistan (Trans-Caspian region) as well, and by order of the supreme commandment of the ‘Armed Forces of South Russia’ (Вооружённые силы Юга России; AFSR) on the 22nd January 1919, the Turkestan Army was formed as an integral part of the AFSR forces. While the anti-Bolshevik forces were able to garner support among the Turkmen and within few months they could avail 7000 infantry men and 2000 cavalry men, the successes of the central government were far more determinant. The liberation of Orenburg (22nd January 1919) and the restoration of railway communication with Turkestan constituted the beginning of the end for all types of rebels in Turkestan.
By April 1919, the English had already evacuated their forces, leaving only a small garrison at Krasnovodosk by the Caspian Sea side; this unit returned to Iran in August 1919. In fact, the plans of the anti-Bolshevik military commandment for an advance of the Turkestan Army to Tashkent and Almaty (Verny) were impossible to materialize, despite the the support extended by Junaid Khan, the dictator of the Khiva Khanate. After many successive battles (in Baýramaly, Merv, Serhetabat, and Tejen) during the period May – July 1919, the Red Army sieged and took Ashgabat (9 July). The Turkestan Army was gradually dispersed and could not further resist the Bolshevik advance. Until December 1919, the Soviet forces prevailed throughout the region and reached the Caspian seashore where the last battles were fought before the reunification of the Russian imperial territory under Soviet rule. The very last remnants of the AFSR were rescued by English ships and evacuated in Iran in early 1920.
After the English colonial intruders moved back to Iran, they continued dispatching military aid and equipment to anti-Bolshevik forces in Turkestan for some time; in 1919, they sent two caravans of 600 and 200 camels with weapons, ammunition and other military equipment to Bukhara. In January 1920, they dispatched 1200 rifles, 12 machine guns, 4 guns and a large number of cartridges and shells. Even after the dismantlement of Denikin’s troops in the Transcaspian region (February 1920) and in the Emirate of Bukhara (September 1920), the English still kept providing assistance (weapons and money) to isolated Basmachi groups. Later on, they continued forming Basmachi armed detachments on the territory of Afghanistan and Iran; they used them in various sabotage activities. The Soviet army intervened twice in Afghanistan (1929 and 1930), during and after the Afghan Civil War (1928-1929) in order to fully destroy the Basmachi forces there. Only then, the Eglish efforts to foment unrest throughout Soviet Turkestan ended. About:
XVI. The Formative Years of Soviet Rule in Central Asia
Whereas the imperial administration viewed the different peoples of Central Asia as one unit or entity mainly defined by the locally prevailing religion, i.e. Islam, the Bolshevik government pursued a totally different approach, promoting the gradual but steadfast formation of nations, national identities, and national identification mechanisms. Bolsheviks emphatically discouraged the assimilation of other nations into Russians. This was quit normal for activists and revolutionaries, who viewed their revolution as the first among many forthcoming, which would eventually re-organize the mankind into an international community organized in independent Communist states.
The theoretical foundations of these policies can be retraced in Stalin’s essay ‘Marxism and the National Question’ (1913) and in the Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia (Декларация прав народов России), which was one of the earliest documents signed by the revolutionary government only on the 15th November 1917, just 8 days after the October Revolution (7th November or 25th October 1917, according to the Old Calendar). The historical document called for equality among the peoples of Russia and for free development of all national minorities and ethnographical groups; it also recognized the right of every people to free self-determination, national sovereignty, and even secession and formation of a separate state; it also abolished all national and religious privileges and restrictions.
On the basis of this document, numerous lands declared independence in the period November 1917 – November 1918, irrespective of the sovereignty (Russian, German or Austrian-Hungarian) at the time: Ukraine, Finland, Lithuania, Moldova, Belarus, Estonia, Poland and Latvia. Furthermore, several other republics declared their independence in 1918, although most of them did not last for long: Tuvan People’s Republic (Тувинская Народная Республика), Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic (закавказская демократическая федеративная республика), Kuban People’s Republic (Кубанская Народная Республика), Idel-Ural State (mainly a Tatar state named Ural-Volga state in Tatar; Урало-Волжский штат), Kaluga Soviet Republic (Калужская советская республика), North Ingria or Republic of Kirjasalo (Республика Северная Ингрия или Кирьясало), etc.
Tuvan People’s Republic’s flagIf the Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic survived, there would be no killings and no wars between the Azeris and the Armenians.Kuban People’s Republic’s flagThe precarious existence of the Kuban People’s Republic (Кубанская Народная Республика) in 1918 fully demonstrates that the historical forgery, which is currently promoted as dogma by the pseudo-state of Ukraine and their criminal Western masters, is a series of unspeakable lies. The Kuban People’s Republic was an entirely different state totally unrelated to the Ukrainian People’s Republic and the West Ukrainian People’s Republic. This map, which was published in 1918 by various Zionist press outfits in Imperial Germany, shows that there was already support not only for the secession of the territory of the so-called Ukraine, but also for the progressive inducement of the Kuban Cossacks to unite with ‘Ukraine’. Probably, the crypto-Ashkenazi Khazarian fake Jewish Zionist minority of the Western Russian territories (i.e. ‘Ukraine’) needed to hire a warrior people for their protection and defense.Kuban Cossacks are highly valued among the anti-Russian crypto-Ashkenazi Khazarian Zionist minority of the so-called ‘Ukraine’ for their unmatched manliness.The Idel-Ural State of the Tatars The flag of the Idel-Ural State of the Tatars Kaluga Soviet Republic; Kaluzhskaya region in Russia 1914 (150 km west of Moscow)North Ingria or Republic of KirjasaloNorth Ingria or Republic of Kirjasalo, and war activities carried out there in 1919Kirjasalo flag
a- Turkestan Soviet Federative Republic
In Central Asia, the first autonomous republic to be formed (30th April 1918) was ‘Turkestan’, initially named ‘Turkestan Soviet Federative Republic’ (Туркестанская Советская Федеративная Республика) with Tashkent as capital; in the midst of the Basmachi uprising, the state introduced its Constitution (15th October 1918). Within Turkestan’s territories were included the southern part of today’s Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and parts of Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. With a new Constitution promulgated on 24th September 1920, the country was renamed as ‘Turkestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic’ (Туркестанская Автономная Советская Социалистическая Республика). The vast state (its surface covered an area of about 1.5 million km2) was in reality a multi-ethnic structure that could not last long, taken into consideration the aforementioned principles, practices and perspectives of the Bolshevik government. In 1920, the total population amounted to 5.2 million people; the main ethnic groups were Uzbeks (39%), Kazakhs (21%), Kirghiz (10%), Tajik (8%), Turkmen (5%) and others. Turkestan was dissolved on 27th October 1924 and I will soon explain why.
Turkestan ASSR flag
b- Khorezm People’s Soviet Republic
In February 1920, as continuation of the Khiva Khanate, the Khorezm People’s Soviet Republic (Хорезмская Социалистическая Советская Республика / Xorazm Xalq Sovet Respublikasi) was proclaimed in Khiva (today in Uzbekistan), following the abdication of the local khan. The development took place during the First Khorezm Kurultay (General Assembly), a time-honored Turanian (Turkic) tradition. Khorezm (Chorasmia) was a small state with an area of ca. 62000 km2, a population of ca. 1 million people (mainly Uzbeks, but also Kazakhs, Turkmen, Karakalpak, etc), and as currency the Khorezm Ruble (Хорезмский рубль). On the 20th October 1923, the tiny state was renamed ‘Khorezm Socialist Soviet Republic’ (Хорезмская Социалистическая Советская Республика), only to be dissolved on the 27th October 1924 for reasons that I will soon describe.
A banknote of 750 rubles, printed by the Khorezm People’s Soviet RepublicThe flag of the Khorezm People’s Soviet RepublicKhorezm SSR’s flag
c- Kirghiz Autonomous Socialist Soviet Republic
After the chaos caused because of the clashes between the Bolsheviks and the Basmachi movement in different locations throughout Central Asia, on the 26th August 1920, the proclamation of the Kirghiz Autonomous Socialist Soviet Republic (Киргизская Автономная Социалистическая Советская Республика) took place in Orenburg, which was the initial capital of the new state. As part of the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic (Российская Советская Федеративная Социалистическая Республика), the new entity controlled the northern half of today’s Kazakhstan. Two official languages were recognized: Russian and Kazakh.
Today’s, most people -even in Russia- are astounded when they come to know that the first modern Kazakh state was named ‘Kirghiz’, but I already expanded on the topic (see above: part X, unit w). Here, I merely repeat that, until the middle 1920s, Russians -for several centuries- used to name the Kazakhs as ‘Kirghiz-Kazaks’ (киргизы-казахи or also Киргиз-кайсаки) and the Kirghiz as ‘Kara-Kirghiz’ (кара-киргизы/Black Kirghiz); it is the great Kazakh Jadidist intellectual Saken Seifullin, who is credited with the clarification of the confusion. It is therefore understood that, at the time the Kirghiz Autonomous Socialist Soviet Republic was launched mainly for the Kazakhs, the Kirghiz (then known as ‘Kara-Kirghiz’) did not have any problem with, or objection to, the development, as they were included in the already launched ‘Turkestan Soviet Federative Republic’.
The Kirghiz Autonomous Socialist Soviet Republic (in red) in 1922; parts added in 1924 (green) and 1925 (light brown); red line: modern borders of KazakhstanFlag of the Kazak ASSR
On 19th April 1925, at the Fifth All-Kyrgyz (: Kazakh) Congress of Soviets (Пятый Всекиргизский съезд Советов), the decision for the change of name and the transfer of capital was taken. The decision was implemented on 15th July 1925. The state was named ‘Kazak Autonomous Socialist Soviet Republic’ (Казахская Автономная Социалистическая Советская Республика / Qazaq Aptonom Sotsijalistik Sovettik Respublikasь). Two days later, on 17th July 1925, the capital was transferred from Orenburg to Ak Mechet (Ак-Мечеть: ‘White Mosque’; earlier known as Fort-Perovsky/ Форт-Перовский; currently known as Kyzylorda / Кзыл-Орда / Қызылорда, i.e. ‘Red Horde’ or also ‘Red City’ in modern context). Two years later, in May 1927, the capital was again transferred to Almaty (Алматы), one of the very few cities in the world that had so many different names (in Islamic times: Almatu/ Алмату́; 1854: Zailiyskoye/ Заили́йское and soon afterwards Vernoye / Ве́рное; 1867: Almatinskoe/ Алмати́нское; 1867-1921: Vernyi (Ве́рный: ‘Faithful’); since 1921: Alma-Ata/ Алма́-Ата́ in Russian and Almaty/ Алматы in Kazakh). This state was the largest of all four Central Asiatic soviet republics; its surface covered an area of ca. 3 million km2 and the population amounted to ca. 6.5 million people (1926), after the national delimitation that took place in 1924-1925.
d- Bukharan People’s Soviet Republic
On 8th October 1920, in Bukhara, as continuation of the Bukhara Emirate, the Bukharan People’s Soviet Republic (Бухарская Народная Советская Республика; Бухоро Халқ Совет Республикаси / بخارا خلق شورالر جمھوریتی / Buxoro Xalq Sovet Respublikasi; Ҷумҳурии Халқии Шӯравии Бухоро / جمهوری خلق شوروی بخارا) was proclaimed by Fayzulla Khodzhayev (see above: part X, unit c). With three official languages (Russian, Uzbek and Tajik), with the Soviet Ruble (советский рубль) as currency, with ca. 2.5 million people as population, and with an area of about 182000 km2, this state was a rather small entity among the then four Central Asiatic republics. Only the Khorezm People’s Soviet Republic was smaller. The short-lived Republic came to an end on 17th February 1924, when borders were demarcated in Soviet Central Asia on the basis of ethno-linguistic criteria and national identity.
Bukharan People’s Soviet Republic and its flag
e- Opposite theoretical approaches to the formation of soviet republics in Central Asia
It is clear that the above described border delineation in Soviet Central Asia had nothing to do with the concepts and the principles declared by the Bolshevik government. This is not strange because the modern Western European concept of nation is worthless and absurd for any other part of the world. It was an obscene, barbaric invention that caused terrible oppression first against subjugated and persecuted nations in France, England and the US, and then in the colonies of these countries where this concept was forcefully ‘exported’. The Bolshevik concept of nation reflects a better understanding of History, but it was still meaningless for Asiatic, African and European Muslims. And the new rulers had limited knowledge of the true situation on the ground.
At the same time, different ideas and conflicting approaches were diffused among Turkic speaking Muslims throughout Central Asia; one side of Jadidist intellectuals suggested the establishment of a unified Turkestan within the USSR. People like the Kazakh revolutionary Turar Ryskulov (Турар Рыскулович Рыскулов) viewed all the Turanian nations of Central Asia as one entity, and proposed the establishment of one Communist Party for all of them. Modern Western historians tend to interpret this fact as an indication of Pan-Turkism or Pan-Turanianism, but this is wrong.
This approach reflects a traditional nomadic Turanian understanding of the world, which is entirely due to Tengrism and its fundamental beliefs; Islam does not differ from Tengrism in this regard, and that is why the concept of the Muslim Ummah was easily accepted by Turanians only to be extensively reflected in their lives. Among Turanians, it was the sedentarization processes that brought divisions, rivalries, enmities and hostilities, but this embarrassing truth was never easy for colonial historians to admit. But Ryskulov and many others, who supported this concept, like Tursun Khojaev, Commissar for Health and National Affairs of the Soviet Government of Turkestan, had nothing in common with the ideas and the mindset of Enver Pasha and the other members of the Ottoman Committee of Union and Progress (İttihad ve Terakki Cemiyeti), who became known as Genç Türkler (Jeunes Turcs) and truly promoted Pan-Turkic / Pan-Turanian concepts. Ryskulov never met Enver Pasha in Central Asia, but he was sent against him – which makes the case very clear.
Another side of Jadidist intellectuals supported the concept of independent national life for each nation. This approach had however two serious disadvantages: first, never ever did Turkic / Turanian people live in clearly demarcated territories except for the period each group of them lived as nomads. In the early 1920s, Tajiks, Uzbeks, Kazakhs, Turkmens, and Kirghiz lived together (and without discord or problems) in many parts of their present territories, along with newcomers: Russians, Germans, Tatars, Bashkirs, and others. This reality compromised any true effort of border delineation. The recently (2020-2022) aggravated troubles between Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan show very well that this disadvantage persists one century after the Soviet authorities thought that they solved the problem; problems start only when otherwise meaningless borders separate people into various nations.
Second, by accepting the five Central Asiatic nations as such, the soviet government disrespected other nations with smaller populations, like the Karakalpak. In this manner, when the national territorial delimitation took place, the Turkmen had their own state, namely the Turkmen Soviet Socialist Republic, but the Karakalpaks had to be content with an autonomous area within the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, which represented a lower level of federal functionality. The position in favor of the formation of a distinct soviet socialist republic for every major nation in Central Asia was overwhelmingly accepted, because it appeared to be closer to the announcements of the Soviet government, and more specifically the Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia. The majority of the Jadid intellectuals and activists supported it, like Sadriddin Ayni, Fayzulla Khodzhayev, and others.
Even worse, this approach was quite unrealistic and ahistorical; the Jadidist intellectuals, who intentionally wanted to view well-defined nations everywhere, failed to duly assess the field situation, which was multi-dimensional indeed. First, the modern Western European concept of nation has no place in History; second, the historical concept of nation is not yet correctly, deeply and conclusively studied; third, the transformational moment in which a group of people ‘becomes’ a nation -as per their own terms- has not yet been properly identified; fourth, there have been groups of people, like the Sarts (Сарты), for whom neither language nor religion was a criterion for the definition of their nationhood, but rather their social status of sedentary people dwelling in towns and cities.
As such, the Sarts were Tajik-speaking Turanians with a strong tendency for bilingualism, and they were viewed as such by many other historical nations. The Soviet policy intended to eliminate or abolish them because their reality contradicted the unbearable Soviet ideological rigidity. The authorities attempted therefore to officially ‘identify’ some of them as Tajiks and the rest as Uzbeks! All the same, this nonsensical attempt failed, and the Sarts survived. Actually, one must admit that because of this policy, many ‘Uzbeks’ today in Uzbekistan identify themselves as Tajiks, although they acknowledge that they forgot their language.
It is easy to understand who the Sarts were; suffice it that we reject the false and distorting model of History that colonial Western pseudo-academic propagandists imposed worldwide. What was the purpose of this evil model of History? The above five statements fully clarify it. The fallacious and revisionist, bogus-historical model turned the rulers of the world into slaves, by fully utilizing ignorant, idiotic and naïve people, elites and rulers. This is how:
ИзбогатовокочевогоКазахавбедногожатака
From a rich, nomadic Kazakh to a poor Zhatak (derisive term: ‘immovable settler’)
After repeated deliberations, the Soviet authorities took a decision on 25th February 1924 in favor of the Национально-территориальное размежевание (national-territorial demarcation) as they defined it. Immediately afterwards, a special committee and three sub-committees (Kazakh, Uzbek, and Turkmen) were duly established. Finally, in April 1924, despite strong local opposition, the ‘delimitation’ process took place. The Turkestan ASSR was abolished and split mainly into Uzbek SSR and Turkmen SSR, which roughly corresponded to the territories of today’s Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan. Subsequently, the Khorezm People’s Soviet Republic and the Bukhara People’s Soviet Republic were also abolished and then incorporated in the Uzbek SSR, with minor parts of their territories attributed to the Turkmen SSR. The new soviet socialist republics were proclaimed in October 1924. By special decree of the 3rd Congress of Soviets of the USSR (issued 13th May 1925), the treaty on the formation of the USSR was extended to both new entities.
The Tajik Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (ASSR) was also created in October 1924 with capital at Dushanbe (which was later named Stalinabad from 1929 until 1961); it was included in the Uzbek SSR. Similarly, in October 1924, out of parts of the Turkestan ASSR where Kirghiz (then known as Kara-Kirghiz) was the main native language, the Kara-Kirghiz Autonomous Oblast was established with capital at Bishkek (then spelled Pishpek/Пишпек), which was renamed as Frunze between 1929 and 1991; it was part of the Russian SFSR.
Following the rectification of the name of the ‘Kirghiz Autonomous Socialist Soviet Republic’ into ‘Kazak Autonomous Socialist Soviet Republic’, the Kara-Kirghiz Autonomous Oblast was renamed as Kirghiz Autonomous Oblast, on 15th May 1925. Few months later, in February 1926, it was upgraded to Kirghiz ASSR. Due to the initiative of the Tajik activist and Communist statesman Shirinsho Shotemur (Шириншо Шотемор; 1899-1937), the Tajik ASSR was upgraded to Tajik SSR in October 1929.
This means that by the end of the 1920s, in Central Asia, there were three soviet socialist republics: Turkmen, Uzbek and Tajik. Whereas the Kazak Autonomous Socialist Soviet Republic was enlarged with the addition of territories from the dissolved Turkestan ASSR in 1924, Almaty was the capital of an ASSR until 1936. It is only then (on the occasion of the proclamation of the second constitution of the USSR) that the Kazak ASSR and the Kirghiz ASSR were upgraded to Kazakh SSR and Kirghiz SSR (5th December 1936). About:
Following the aforementioned developments, the Karakalpak Autonomous Oblast (Кара-Калпакская автономная область), which was established in February 1925, at the time of the dissolution of Turkestan ASSR, was integral part of the Kirghiz (later: Kazak) Autonomous Socialist Soviet Republic until July 1930. Then, it was transferred to the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic. In 1932, it was upgraded to Karakalpak Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (Каракалпакская Автономная Советская Социалистическая Республика), and as such, it was transferred to the Uzbek SSR in December 1936.
After the dissolution of the USSR, in 1992, the Autonomous Republic of Karakalpakstan was proclaimed as integral part of Uzbekistan, and one year later, the local parliament adopted the constitution. With Nukus as capital, Islam as religion, and two official languages (Karakalpak and Uzbek), with a population of about 2 million people, and an area of ca. 165000 km2, Karakalpakstan is inhabited by three ethnic groups, namely Uzbeks, Karakalpaks, and Kazakhs (each of them totaling about one third of the entire population). Speaking a language closer to Kazakh than to Uzbek, the Karakalpaks are today by far the most pro-Russian Muslim nation and, in their majority, they would favor a merge with Russia; if this occurs in the future, Karakalpakstan would be a Russian exclave, like Kaliningrad.
XVII. Kazakhstan and Central Asia under the Communists
Modern national life started in Kazakhstan under totally inauspicious conditions. Along with the Civil War, a terrible famine devastated the country for three years, namely 1919-1922. To some extent, this was the consequence of WW I and all the emsuing developments; the collection of grain for the needs of the army (развёрстка: apportionment) that the Minister of Agriculture Aleksandr Rittikh (Александр Александрович Риттих; 1868-1937) introduced triggered a serious food crisis in parts of Russia. Two years later, when the Bolshevik government -facing the counter-revolution (which involved also extensive sabotage)- was cut off from Russia’s main wheat-producing regions, Lenin found no other solution than the продразвёрстка (prodrazvyorstka: confiscation of agricultural products from the peasants at fixed prices, which did not reflect at all the market value), which was a calamitous measure for the peasants.
It must be added that the famine was also due to drought, which has always been a periodical circumstance in Russia and Central Asia; but this time, it was -of course- greatly aggravated due to the aforementioned developments. Kazakhstan was not however the only region to be affected; North Caucasus, South Ural, the Volga basin, South Siberia faced ruination and were plagued with death too. In total, 5 million people lost their lives throughout the country. The situation would be far worse, if the American and Western European relief did not come abundantly and timely. An International Committee for Russian Relief was set up, but also many other funds and organizations participated actively and for several years.
In Kazakhstan, the worst hit areas were the northern half of today’s territory, because the populations of steppes always depend on others. Various contaminations and diseases spread also at the time. On the contrary, the southern regions were spared to some extent, because the population relied on cultivated lands in regions crossed by rivers and on the Fergana Valley. In this regard, it is safe to claim that the various rebellions, which occurred in those lands at the time, helped the populations escape central control and thus survive. The estimates about the casualties vary between 20%and 33% of the total Kazakh population.
b- The Malefic Role of Filipp Goloshchyokin in Kazakhstan
The Soviet administration of Kazakhstan starts with a very bizarre coincidence; due to the relative scarcity or the ideological instability of Kazakh and other Central Asiatic Bolsheviks at the time, Russians were regularly dispatched to securely fill the top positions and to fully implement the centralized government directives. It was the continuation of an imperial practice, but it was viewed by the central government only as temporary, because an overwhelming korenizatsiya (see above: part XV unit e) was already in the plans. The Kazakhs were definitely not lucky in the beginning; the abominable person appointed as First Secretary of the Communist Party in the Kazak Autonomous Socialist Soviet Republic was none other than the notorious paranoid gangster Filipp Goloshchyokin (1876-1941; Филипп Голощёкин; born Shaya Itsikovich / Шая Ицикович), the Jewish murderer of the Romanov royal family.
A dental technician, with apparently no other experience in anything else except homosexuality, Goloshchyokin was one of the founding members of the Bolsheviks; he participated in the 1905 Revolution, only to be later exiled, then deported, and finally released after the February 1917 Revolution. After the October Revolution, he was appointed as Military Commissar of the Urals. Using his authority, he tried to have Prince Georgy Lvov (1861-1925 / Георгий Львов; Chairman of the Provisional Government after the February Revolution) executed, but he failed, because of the imminent interference of Isaac Nachman Steinberg (1888-1957; Исаак Нахман Штейнберг), the then People’s Commissar for Justice. However, using as argument the then rapid advance of the White Army toward Ekaterinburg (Yekaterinburg / Екатеринбург), he managed to have the Romanov royal family executed (17th July 1918). This filthy rascal was dispatched to Kazakhstan in 1925 and he ruled the vast ASSR for eight years (until 1933) as a really excruciating tyrant, taken into account the fact that there was no central government interference in his work and that, practically speaking, he was not held accountable to anyone.
Filipp Goloshchyokin carried out extensive infrastructure work in Kazakhstan, notably in the construction of the Turkestan-Siberia railway (туркестано сибирская магистраль; Turksib/ Турксиб), therefore making possible the exploitation of Kazakhstan’s enormous mineral resources by the central soviet government. With a total length of ca. 2375 km, the Turksib rail network links Orenburg and Tashkent with Semey and Novosibirsk. Implementing collectivization and dekulakization (elimination of the social class of kulaks, i. e. the wealthy farmers), the indoctrinated soviet government triggered an enormous socio-economic crisis of disproportionate dimensions; people were not allowed to possess even their gardens. In lands with a strong agricultural tradition, livestock property, and millennia-long heritage in animal husbandry, the resistance to such plans would be thunderous. Finally, the confiscation campaign turned one Kazakh against the other (pitching the poor against the rich), because these were the governmental intentions.
The Imperial Russian Okhrana (Охранное отделение: ‘Guard Department’) paper, pictures and fingerprints of the homosexual, Ashkenazi Khazarian, fake-Jewish, Zionist, Communist, paranoid monster Filipp Goloshchyokin.
The vicious homosexual gangster, who executed the Saint Czar Nicholas II and the Russian Imperial family; lovely verses in Russian decry Goloshchyokin’s anomaly:
c- Famine, Exodus, Deportations, Demographic Change in 1930s Kazakhstan
It all resulted in detrimental reduction of livestock numbers; within 3-5 years (1928-1933), from 22 million sheep less than 2 million were left alive, whereas from 7 million cattle only about 1.5 million remained in life. More than 10000 wealthy Kazakh farmers were deported. To survive, an enormous number of Kazakhs attempted a dramatic exodus to Eastern Turkestan (Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, then known as Xinjiang Province/新疆省, in the Republic of China). Despite the long way to walk (at times more than 500 km) and the evidently difficult crossing of Semirechye (Семиречье/ Жетісу- Zhetysu; ‘Seven Rivers’ Land’), a mountainous region, this was certainly preferable as an effort to survive.
About 1.3 million ethnic Kazakhs died in Kazakhstan during that period in what is now remembered as a horrible period of atrocious hatred and unprecedented persecution. The total number of Kazakhs in Soviet Union fell from ca. 4 million in 1926 to 2.8 million in 1937; the casualties amounted to 38% of all Kazakhs (and this is the higher number among all ethnic groups in the USSR). One has however to admit that Russians and non Russians were persecuted indiscriminately; they all suffered to the same extent during that period and throughout the entire USSR, around 11-12 million people died for the sake of the collectivization. The governmental policy that involved intentional deflation of prices killed them all.
One can surely describe the tragic event as an involuntary manslaughter of millions of people and as an unprecedented killing in negligence, but it is not correct, accurate and reasonable to define the brutish, yet nonsensical and vain, collectivization of the USSR as ‘genocide’. There was no specific malice, except for the Communist delusion itself. Contrarily, the Great Purge (Ежовщина/ Yezhovshchina; 1936-1939) was a deliberate genocide envisioned and carried out by Stalin, Yezhov, and many others.
In parallel with the aforementioned, an enormous project of population transfer started taking place in the 1930s throughout Soviet Union; these forcible deportations were due to various reasons: ethnic inadaptability to the overwhelming changes, socio-economic disobedience (incorrigible kulaks who did not cope with the soviet norm) or simply anti-Soviet attitude of any sort. It goes without saying that an extra number of casualties was due to these measures. As the land of Kazakhstan was viewed as a sparsely populated territory, many populations were deported and settled there. This triggered a severe demographic change; from 1939 until the middle 1980s, there were more Russians than Kazakhs in Kazakh SSR.
More specifically, whereas in 1926, there were ca. 4 million Kazakhs and slightly above 1 million Russians in the Kazak ASSR, in 1939, both ethnic groups totaled around 2.5 million people. For the subsequent five decades, the Kazakhs represented 30% to 40% of the total population of the Kazakh SSR, whereas the Russians were steadily above 40%. Only in 1989, the Kazakhs outnumbered again the Russians on the territory of the Kazakh SSR (40.1% to 37.4%); this was due to the then tendency of the Russians to relocate to major Russian cities, and it was accentuated after the events of December 1986 (known as Jeltoqsan), which attempted to trigger enmity between Kazakhs and Russians.
Staying mostly in his office, being guarded by police, dogs and vehicles, dodging the average people, and avoiding movements in provinces and villages, Goloshchyokin ran the state as a scared psychopath and a deranged paranoid. Issuing absurd orders and schizophrenic dictates, he was asking subordinates to enforce them, keeping himself hidden for most of the time. His manners, which seriously damaged the communist cause and endangered the diffusion of soviet ideas, became gradually known to many across the USSR. Kazakhs and Russians alike started realizing in 1932 that something extremely abnormal, miserable and catastrophic was taking place in the Kazakh ASSR.
Panicked like rats, the indigenous populations were fleeing the place with whatever luggage they could manage to take with; this situation was already causing serious problems to various local adminsitrators in Siberia; furthermore, an unprecedented and dramatic exodus of numerous local populations to China’s Xinjiang could irreparably damage Soviet Union’s image as the best possible choice for the world’s proletariat. In January 1933, Goloshchyokin was terminated thanks to the steadfast efforts of Uraz Isayev (1899-1938; Ураз Джанзакович Исаев), a leading Kazakh Communist who served as prime minister of the Kazak ASSR and the Kazakh SSR from 1929 until 1937, and following the complains expressed by several other patriotic Kazakh Communists.
Isayev was executed in the Great Purge, but few months later, when the leading Communist and People’s Commissar for Internal Affairs (lit. Minister of Interior), Nikolai Yezhov (1895-1940; Николай Иванович Ежов), the chief executioner during the Great Purge, was arrested, he confessed that he had a homosexual relationship with the notorious Goloshchyokin; this development led to the arrest, incarceration, and execution of the ‘Butcher of Kazakhstan”.
d- The Koreans of Kazakhstan
The deportation of 172000 Soviet Koreans from Eastern Siberia (currently Far Eastern Federal District / Дальневосточный федеральный округ) to the Kazakh SSR in 1937 was another issue of embarrassment for the local population. It was actually the first forced relocation to be decided by the Soviet authorities for an entire ethnic group/nationality. According to estimates, ca. 30000 Koreans died in the process, because of various reasons. Their integration in the new, different geomorphological environment proved also to be very difficult; it is only with the rise of Khrushchev, after Stalin’s death in 1953, that the harsh life of Koreans in the steppes of Kazakhstan started improving. The principal reason for their deportation was the fact that the soviet leadership suspected them to be spies for the Japanese, who were USSR’s main rival in East Asia.
It is only after 1936 and the establishment of the Kazakh SSR that modern national life started being normalized, education widely implemented, industrialization accentuated, and better integration achieved within the USSR. Despite the extreme adversities that the entire country underwent during WW II, there was a remarkable stability in the Kazakh SSR; this can be attested in the leadership of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan; from 1936 until 1989 (53 years), eleven persons only preceded Nursultan Nazarbayev in the position of the First Secretary of the Communist Party.
e- Turkmen Soviet Socialist Republic (1924-1991)
Similar stability was experienced in all the other Central Asiatic SSR. Notably, in the Turkmen Soviet Socialist Republic (Туркменская Советская Социалистическая Республика), just thirteen (13) persons succeeded one another (starting from 1924) before Saparmurat Niyazov (Сапармурат Атаевич Ниязов; 1940-2006) was appointed (21 December 1985) as the First Secretary of the Communist Party (partly due to his strong Soviet credentials and also because of his Jewish wife) by M. Gorbachev (whose mother’s Jewish ancestry is well-known), only to rule the country during the transition period and until his death.
It is interesting that until 1947, only two ethnic Turkmen held the position of the First Secretary of the Communist Party (only for about one year each), namely Shaymardan Ibragimov (Шаймардан Ибрагимов; 1899-1957) and Anna Mukhamedov (Анна Мухамедов; 1900-1938). All the same, after 1947, only ethnic Turkmen held this position, which is quite telling about the time needed for the central Soviet government to form local generations of Soviet leaders, i.e. the nomenklatura.
Shaymardan IbragimovSaparmurat Niyazov
f- Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic (1925-1991)
Similarly, between 1925 and 1989, in the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic (Узбекская Советская Социалистическая Республика), only 13 persons preceded Islam Karimov (Ислам Каримов; 1938-2016), who was appointed (23 June 1989) as the First Secretary of the Communist Party to squelch the Islamist revolt, which had already been fomented in the Fergana Valley by Afghani Taliban, who were guided by the UK, US and Saudi Arabian secret services.
His predecessors, Inomjon Usmonxoʻjayev (Инамжон Бузрукович Усманходжаев; 1930-2017) and Rafiq Nishonov (Рафик Нишанович Нишанов; born in 1926, 96 years old today), who ruled for 5 and 2 years respectively (1983-1988/1988-1989) were proven untrustworthy, the former for being involved in the notorious ‘Cotton Scandal’ and the latter for failing to put the clandestine activities of the Islamists under full control. Like Niyazov in Turkmenistan, Islam Karimov was able to effectively rule during the transition period in Uzbeksitan and to eliminate the Wahhabi contamination – to the great chagrin of the perfidious UK, US and other Western diplomats and statesmen who are ceaselessly talking nonsense about ‘human rights’, ‘democracy’, ‘freedom’, etc. only to use this idiotic literature as a smokescreen for their subversive activities against numerous targeted countries.
Quite interestingly, none of the four persons, who held the position of the First Secretary of the Communist Party in Uzbekistan between 1925 and 1929, was ethnic Uzbek: they were (in chronological order) Russian, Belarussian, Ukrainian and Jew. The first ethnic Uzbek to be appointed in this position was Akmal Ikramov (1898-1938; Акмаль Икрамович Икрамов), who was known for his strong anti-religious convictions. He ruled for 8 years (1929-1937), but he was accused of Trotskyism, Pan-Turkism, nationalism and Anglophilia and he was subsequently condemned to death and executed, only to be rehabilitated in 1957 by the Khrushchev administration. After a brief passage of Pavel Nikitovich Yakovlev (Павел Никитович Яковлев) from that position (1937), only ethnic Uzbeks were appointed atop the local Communist Party.
Contrarily with the turmoil experienced in the transition period after 1991, the Tajik Soviet Socialist Republic (Таджикская Советская Социалистическая Республика) had sustained a remarkable stability, and this is shown in the number of persons who held the position of First Secretary of the Communist Party in Tajikistan. With the ASSR period included, just 14 persons held this position from 1924 until 1991; they were not all ethnic Tajiks. Although during the period of the Tajik ASSR, there were ethnic Tajiks in the top position of the Communist Party, and despite the fact that the Tajik ASSR was upgraded due to the persistent efforts of the great Tajik intellectual and pioneering activist Shirinsho Shotemur (see above part XVI unit f), until 1946 mainly non Tajiks were atop the Communist Party of Tajikistan, namely involving (in chronological order) an Azeri, a Russian Jew, an Armenian, an Uzbek, and a Russian.
However, following the appointment of the great historian, academic and Orientalist Bobojon Ghafurov (1908-1977; Бободжан Гафурович Гафуров) as First Secretary of the Communist Party (his tenure lasted 10 years: 1946-1956), only ethnic Tajiks held this position. Known for his outstanding thesis {published in 1941; История секты исмаилитов с начала XIX в. до первой империалистической войны/The history of the Ismaili sect from the beginning of the 19th century until the first imperialist war (WW I)}, Ghafurov is also remembered for his great presentation of the cultural Oriental–Macedonian synthesis which resulted from Alexander the Great’s invasion of Iran (Александр Македонский и Восток/ Alexander the Great and the East – in collaboration with the Soviet historian D. Tsibukidis/ Димитриос Цибукидис).
The last First Secretary of the Communist Party of Tajikistan who ruled the SSR was Qahhor Mahkamovich Mahkamov (1932-2016; Кахар Махкамович Махкамов); he was appointed by M. Gorbachev in December 1985, mainly because his predecessor, Rahmon Nabiyev (1930-1993; Рахмон Набиевич Набиев), was involved in many corruption scandals. Qahhor Mahkamov’s tenure was a tormented period, due to the rise of Tajik nationalism, Islamic radicalism, anti-Russian and anti-Soviet extremism. To appease some of his opponents and at the same time to divide them, Mahkamov introduced a law designating Tajik as the sole official language of the SSR. In February 1990, the Dushanbe riots, which were due to the resettlement of Armenian refugees from Azerbaijan, caused many casualties and a rift among the ethnic groups of the country, particularly because most of the troops deployed against the protesters were Russian. Mahkamov was able to put the Islamists under control, arresting many, and he was subsequently appointed as President of Tajikistan by Gorbachev, but his catastrophic support for the August 1991 coup against Gorbachev triggered his fall. In Turkmenistan, Niyazov supported the coup too for a brief period, but he did not face an opposition like the embattled Tajik president.
Qahhor MahkamovQadriddin AslonovRahmon Nabiyev
Following massive protestations, Mahkamov resigned and was ousted from power on 31st August 1991 in what proved to be the prelude to the Tajik Civil War. In his stead, Qadriddin Aslonov was elected as temporary successor, but his effort to please the protesters and his announcement of the dissolution of the Communist Party of Soviet Union triggered another coup (23rd September 1991) during which Aslonov disappeared only to perish one year later. Then, Mahkamov’s predecessor as First Secretary, Rahmon Nabiyev, was appointed as Second President of Tajikistan and announced elections in which he presented himself as the leading candidate. On 6th October 1991, due to strong opposition, Nabiyev resigned and was replaced by Akbarsho Iskandrov; however, Nabiyev won the elections of 2nd December 1991, thus becoming the first elected President of Tajikistan.
Few months later, in May 1992, the Tajik Civil War started; it plunged the country in absolute chaos. On 7th September 1992, Nabiyev was ambushed by opposition rebels and he resigned immediately only to die one year later under obscure circumstances. He was replaced again by Akbarsho Iskandrov, who in turn resigned two months later (20th November 1992), when the Supreme Soviet of Tajikistan, in its 16th session (held in Khujand), abolished the position of the president, proclaimed the country as a parliamentary republic, and chose Emomali Rahmon as chairman of the Supreme Soviet. Acting as the head of the government and being acknowledged as the ‘Founder of Peace and National Unity’ and the ‘Leader of the Nation’, the former Soviet apparatchik (chairman of sovkhoz in 1987) was elected and re-elected in his position in 1994, 1999, 2006, 2013 and 2020. In fact, the Civil War in Tajikistan ended only in 1997.
The post-USSR transition period in Tajikistan was markedly different from the situation that Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan experienced. This difference may look bizarre to various naïve specialists, who think they can study History and Political Science in Western universities, libraries and institutes. It appears so particularly because all these three countries share common borders with Afghanistan. However, those, who study such topics by visiting these countries, exploring their provinces, and examining the situation from closely, know very well that, although the borders of Afghanistan with Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan are easy to guard effectively, this does not and actually cannot happen with the mountainous area through which the Afghanistan – Tajikistan borderline passes. These borders are very porous, involving high elevation areas, steep peaks, precipitous cliffs, difficult passes, and many long months with fog, snow and ground frost.
h- Kirghiz Soviet Socialist Republic(1924-1991, incl. Autonomous Oblast & ASSR)
Similarly with the three aforementioned cases, the Kirghiz Soviet Socalist Republic (Киргизская Советская Социалистическая Республика) experienced a period of stability under the Soviet rule; as already mentioned, it started as Kara-Kirghiz Autonomous Oblast in 1924, was renamed as Kirghiz Autonomous Oblast in 1925, was upgraded to ASSR in 1926, and became a SSR in 1936. On 21st October 1924, the Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee approved 17 people, who formed a Revolutionary Committee geared to manage the Kara-Kirghiz Autonomous Region. Among them, Imanaly Aidarbekov (1884-1938; Иманалы Айдарбеков), a pioneering Kirghiz jurist, judge and statesman, played a leading role, and soon afterwards, he was elected chairman of the committee. In 1925, he was seconded to the Central Asian Bureau of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, but later he was reprimanded for what was viewed as ‘nationalist’ ideological deviation {namely his participation in the ‘group of 30’ and his support for another Kirghiz Communist intellectual with ‘nationalist’ tendencies, i.e. Yusup Abdrakhmanov (1901-1938; Юсуп Абдрахманович Абдрахманов)}.
To ensure dogmatic uniformity and to prevent ideological aberration, all the persons, who held the position of the First Secretary of the Communist Party of Kyrgyzstan, were not Kirghiz, but predominantly Russians; this was typical for the periods of the Autonomous Oblast and the ASSR, and also for the early years of the SSR. From 1925 until 1950, eight (8) people held this position. Only after 1950, ethnic Kirghiz were appointed in the top position in their country. However, there was an overwhelming majority of Kirghiz in both, the position of the Chairman of the Central Executive Committee of the Kirghiz SSR (1936-1938; before the implementation of the 1936 Soviet Constitution) and the position of the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Kirghiz SSR (1938-1990).
Kyrgyzstan experienced great stability in the period 1950-1991, and during that period, only four persons held the position of the First Secretary of the Communist Party, starting with Ishkak Razzakov (1910-1979; Исхак Раззакович Раззаков). The last to substantially hold this position was Absamat Masaliyev (1933-2004; Абсамат Масалиевич Масалиев), who was appointed in November 1985; this appointment was engineered by Gorbachev and it was merely the consequence of the ‘necessary’ replacement of Masaliyev’s notorious predecessor, Turdakun Usubaliyev (1919-2015; Турдакун Усубалиевич Усубалиев), a typical Brezhnev era apparatchik, who had stayed 24 years in power.
Masaliyev’s tenure was tarnished because of the violent Osh riots (4-7 June 1990), which were triggered mainly by teenagers fanaticized by agents of Western embassies, which were acting uncontrolled bribing as many agitators as they could, due to Gorbachev’s apparent, total inability to govern the country while changing it. The establishment of so-called ‘free’ groups and ‘cultural associations’ {like the Uzbek organization Adolat/Адолат (‘Justice’) and the Kirghiz band Osh Aymaghi/ Ош аймагы (‘region of Osh’)} produced the necessary venues where local infiltrators and agitators could carry out directives received from foreign embassies and consulates. Similar events had already started to happen to minor extent in Uzbekistan (June 1989: against the Meshketian Turks who had been deported there in … 1944 !!) and Tajikistan (early: against the recently transported Armenians). But the special forces dispatched by Gorbachev to Osh in order to squelch the riots killed more than 1000 demonstrators; all the same, the local mob had already performed more than 5000 crimes, pillaging and killing as many Uzbeks as they could. It is to the credit of the local political establishment that, as early as 1991, the related judicial investigation had duly taken place and fair trials had been properly conducted.
Although being for some months (April to December 1990) also the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet, Absamat Masaliyev failed to be voted (opposite Apas Jumagulov/ Апас Джумагулович Джумагулов; born in 1934) as President of the Republic; due to both candidates’ failure, the electors (: the Supreme Soviet) appointed Askar Akayev as president. In April 1991, Jumgalbek Amanbayev (1946-2005; Джумгалбек Бексултанович Аманбаев) was appointed at the top position of the Communist Party only to be terminated in August 1991, when the party was dissolved. Askar Akayev (Аскар Акаевич Акаев; born in 1994), who immediately condemened the failed Soviet coup, proved to be an ideal person for the critical transition period in Kyrgyzstan; that’s why the country at the time did not undergo a civil war like neighboring Tajikistan, which experienced a great turmoil in the 1990s and a long period of calmness and stability afterwards. In fact, Kyrgyzstan followed a reverse path.
Akaev’s ability to effectively introduce privatization, promote Neo-Tengrism (in order to avoid the Wahhabi cholera), and restructure the local administration was remarkable. He won the elections of October 1991, December 1995, and October 2000. Unfortunately, Kyrgyzstan experienced in the 2000s what its leadership was able to prevent in the 1990s. Demonstartions started as early as 2002, only to turn worse in 2005. Akayev fled on 24th March 2005, reached Moscow and officially resigned from there; he still lives in Russia, working on scientific projects of his field. The so-called First Kirghiz (or ‘Tulip’) Revolution (March-April 2005) was orchestrated by the US-UK embassies, which supported several leaders of the opposition. After the interim presidency of Ishenbai Kadyrbekov, Kurmanbek Bakiyev was first appointed by the Legislative Assembly (25th March 2005) and then elected in a rigged election. Fully supported by Western diplomats, Bakiyev ran Kyrgyzstan as a disgrace; in April 2010, the Kyrgyz Revolution (Апрельская революция/April Revolution) forced Bakiyev to resign and leave the country, only to settle in Belarus. Meanwhile, he was sentenced in absentia to life in prison for the killings of demonstrators that he calmly and coldly ordered. His departure did not help much, and the riots ended up in many deaths, during the intense ethnic clashes, which took place between the Kirghiz and the Uzbek minority.
The ethnic clashes in Osh and other locations in South Kyrgyzstan ended up with many dead. Neither Roza Otunbayeva (chosen by the US and supported by the Kirghiz ‘opposition’), who ruled as ‘president’ from July 2010 until December 2011, nor Almazbek Atambayev (prime minister after the 2010 parliamentary elections and president after the October 2011 presidential elections), nor Sooronbay Jeenbekov (prime minister for the period April 2016 – August 2017, and president after October 2017) managed to bring peace, calm, and concord to the Kirghiz nation. That’s why, after the rigged parliamentary elections of October, riots broke out and Jeenbekov resigned on 15th October 2020, only to later settle in Saudi Arabia. Ruling the country first as prime minister and interim president, and then as elected president after the 10th January 2021, Sadyr Japarov has indeed a difficult task to carry out.
Kurmanbek Bakiyev (born 1949; Курманбек Салиевич Бакиев)Sadyr Japarov (born 1968; Садыр Жапаров) with Kassym-Jomart Tokayev Sadyr Japarov (born 1968; Садыр Жапаров) with Vladimir Putin
i- The Foundation of the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republicand the Birth of the Modern Kazakh Nation
The administration of most of today’s Kazakhstan’s territory was the topic for which Lenin, Vladimir Bonch-Bruevich, and Lidiya Fotiyeva from the Council of People’s Commissars (i.e. the Soviet government) signed the decree “On the Revolutionary Committee for the Administration of the Kirghiz Territory” on 10th July 1919. The Revolutionary Committee would organize the ‘Kirghiz’ lands and prepare the local infrastructure. On 30th April 1920, the Central Committee of the RCP created the Kirghiz Regional Bureau of the RCP, which included A. Avdeev (А. Авдеев), A. Aitiev (А. Айтиев), A. Alibekov (А. Алибеков), S. Argancheev (С. Арганчеев), A. Dzhangildin (А. Джангильдин), M. Murzagaliev (М. Мурзагалиев) and Stanislav Pestkovsky (Станислав Пестковский).
Consequently, for the period Kazakhstan (‘Kirghiz lands’) was still a ‘krai’ (region) of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (Российская Советская Федеративная Социалистическая Республика), there were Secretaries of the Kirghiz Regional Bureau of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party (RCP – 1920-1921). The third and last person to hold this position was an early Kazakh Communist intellectual, party activist and leader, Muhammad Hafii Murzagaliev (1887-1938; Мухамедхафий Мурзагалиев / Мұхамед-Хафиз Мырзағалиев). The First Kirghiz (‘Kazakh’) Regional Party Conference took place in Orenburg (11th to 18th June 1921) and elected the regional party committee. In April 1922, the Kirghiz Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCP was created.
At the end of 1920, Murzagaliev became also the deputy chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars of the Kirghiz ASSR, and in January 1921, he was appointed as Secretary of the Kirghiz (Kazakh) Regional Committee of the RCP. As he was later asked to focus on his activities in the government, he was relieved from his duties in the party. Three other persons succeeded him in his post, two Russians and one Georgian (Victor Ivanovich Naneishvili/ Виктор Иванович Нанейшвили; 1878-1940). After February 1925, the local party leaders were styled ‘Secretaries of the Kazakhstan Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of the Soviet Union’. Naneishvili was the first to hold this position, and he supervised the change of name, only to be soon succeeded by Filipp Goloshchyokin (whose malefic role for the period 1925-1933 was already described; see above: part XVII unit b) and Levon Mirzoyan (1897-1939; Левон Исаевич Мирзоян). It is only after the proclamation of the Kazakh SSR (5 December 1936) that the Communist Party of Kazakhstan was founded (23 April 1937).
Until 1921, there was not one single Bolshevik party center throughout the territory of modern Kazakhstan; on the contrary, there had already been since 1918 a center in Tashkent, but due to the then existing borders, this belonged to the Communist Party of Turkestan, which was dissolved in 1924 in order to allow the communist parties of Tukrmenistan and Uzbekistan to be established following the completion of the delimitation process. The Tashkent office created party organizations in the regions: Syrdarya, Semirechensk, Turgai and Ural. In the early 1920s, there were very few ethnic Kazakhs (less than 1500 persons) to belong to the local RCP organization (they were less than 10% of the total number of members).
However, following the early implementation of Korenizatsiya and Kazakhization (Казахизация) policies, many ethnic Kazakhs realized that the Soviet government was very different from the imperial practices, and they therefore showed an interest to become members; more than 8000 people were then accepted, involving 6000 workers and peasants (‘farm laborers’ as per the soviet jargon). Illiteracy proved then to be a major problem, because 4 out of 10 Kazakh members of the RCP were indeed absolutely illiterate. A great pedagogical effort was subsequently deployed and the situation improved dramatically. In 1926, the Russians outnumbered the Kazakhs in the local party organization, but in 1937, the Kazakhs constituted almost half of the local party members (and except the Russians, there were also Ukrainians and others).
The establishment of the Kirghiz (: Kazakh) ASSR was the subject of a special decree signed on 26th August 1920 by Lenin and Michael I. Kalinin (1875-1946; Михаил Иванович Калинин) on behalf of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People’s Commissars of the RSFSR; the title was “On the Formation of the Autonomous Kirghiz Socialist Soviet Republic”. One must bear in mind that the above mentioned developments of 1919-1920 took place just in the aftermath of a troublesome situation, namely the short-lived state ‘Alash Autonomy’ (see above: part X units f, u, v, x and y; part XI and part XIV). The ‘Alash Orda’ (party) was still strong and its members could undertake clandestine activities. There were indeed many Alash leaders, who wanted still to defend their lands against the Soviet rule. Lenin desired to solve the issue peacefully, because in spite of all the differences that they had about national issues, the Jadidist members of the ‘Alash Orda’ and the Bolsheviks were ideologically close to one another.
Consequently, a meeting with Kazakh Jadidists was arranged, including also young associates of the ‘Alash Orda’ party leader Alikhan Bukeikhanov, and the topic of the discussion was: ‘On the situation of the Kirghiz region in general, and on the issue of borders, in particular’. In that meeting, the young Kazakh activist and intellectual Alimkhan Ermekov (Алимхан Ермеков; 1891-1970) convincingly presented the need to include Akmola, Semipalatinsk, and also Guryev (currently Atyrau) in the newly established ‘Kirghiz’ region. The demands of the great Kazakh scholar, academic and linguist Akhmet Baitursynov, who was the reformer of the Kazakh alphqabet, were also accepted, and thus Kostanay became part of the ‘Kirghiz’ region. In this manner, the bulk of Kazakh Jadidist intellectuals and activists, including the leader Alikhan Bukeikhanov, accepted finally the Soviet government and integrated well into the USSR.
The Constituent Congress of workers, peasants, Cossacks, Kirghiz and Red Army deputies of the Kirghiz ASSR took place in Orenburg on 4th October 1920; V. A. Radus-Zenkovich, chairman of the Kirghiz Revolutionary Committee (Kirrevkom), welcomed the 273 delegates (128 Kazakhs, 127 Russians, 18 representatives of other nationalities) from all regions of Kazakhstan (‘Kirghiz’ region) and also 6 delegates from the Kazakh population of the Altai province (southern Siberia). The congress adopted the Declaration of the Rights of the Workers of the Kirghiz Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic’.
On 12th October 1920, the Constituent Congress of Soviets elected the Central Executive Committee (CEC) of the Kirghiz ASSR, which consisted of 76 members and 25 probationer members. The CEC Presidium included 10 members and 5 probationer members; among them were several leading Kazakh Jadidists, namely S. Mendeshev (chairman), V. A. Radus-Zenkovich, A. Dzhangildin, S. Seifullin, I. F. Kiselev and others. Then, the Kirghiz Revolutionary Committee, which was a temporary body, transferred all its powers to the government of the Kirghiz ASSR.
On 13th July 1921, the First Congress of the Communist Youth Union of Kyrgyzstan started in Orenburg. In October 1921, the First Kazakhstan Conference of Trade Unions took place; the participants defined their tasks in restoring the national economy, increasing labor productivity, and ameliorating the educational, cultural and living conditions of workers and employees. The CEC of the Kirghiz ASSR developed and approved the ‘Regulations on the People’s Commissariats’ of Justice, Education, Agriculture, the Kirpromburo and other executive bodies. The Council of People’s Commissars of the Kirghiz ASSR adopted a decree on the use of Kazakh and Russian as official languages in state institutions, whereas in areas with predominant Kazakh population it was allowed to conduct office work and correspondence in the native language. Between 4th and 10th October 1921, the Second Congress of Soviets of the Kirghiz ASSR was held to mainly pay special attention to the questions of local Soviets. Then, the same norms of representation and the same electoral processes as in the central regions of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic were approved in the congress: “Regulations on the procedure for the election of city, rural (aul) Soviets, volost, district (county), provincial executive committees, the All-Kyrgyz Central Executive Committee and on the procedure for convening congresses of Soviets”.
The “Regulations” allowed elections to be held at meetings of citizens of each aul, if they could not participate in the general meeting of the population of several auls that elected one aul Council; this was very important, because due to the still existing nomadic nature of the Kazakh society and the immensity of the Kazakh steppe, one aul (fortified village, typical in the Caucasus region and in Central Asia / Russian: аул; Kazakh: Ауыл) could be very far from the next.
Typical aulTypical aul
On the basis of Lenin’s decree on the nationalization of land, the Central Executive Committee of the Kyrgyz ASSR adopted a decree (2nd February 1921) on the return to Kazakh peasants of all lands alienated by the czarist government for landowners, as well as lands of the colonization fund and monasteries. Furthermore, in April 1921, another decree was issued to specify the details of the return to the Kazakh workers of all the lands transferred by the imperial government to the ownership of the Ural and Siberian Cossack troops. Sedentary life was highly encouraged, and those willing to change their walk of life were supplied with building materials, agricultural implements, and seeds. Extensive and groundbreaking land and water reforms (collectivization) were implemented in 1921-1922, involving also mistakes (notably the confiscation of the property of the middle peasants). On 26th August 1922, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee adopted the “Basic Law on labor land use in the Kirghiz Republic”, after which the reform was completed throughout the territory.
Life in early Soviet Kazakhstan involved a great deal of partisan agitation and propaganda. In April 1922, Alibey Dzhangildin (1884-1953; Алиби Тогжанович Джангильдин / Әліби Тоғжанұлы Жангелдин), an outstanding Kazakh author, intellectual, revolutionary and traveler, started implementing what he envisioned as Red Caravan and Yurt (: tent). The sociocultural event involved representatives of the Kirobkom of the RCP, Komsomol organizations, people’s commissariats for education, health care, agriculture, trade, and the CEC department for work among women; it helped bring together simple people from many parts of the country (wherever the Red Caravan moved to as per the schedule) and people from the middle and higher levels of the soviet administration, so that they come ti know one another and discuss all topics of common interest. The Red Caravan helped with the construction of collective farms, and assisted the starving, the poor, and the sick. From 20th May until 9th August, they traveled to numerous cities, towns, auls and villages, notably Orenburg, Semipalatinsk, Orsk, Turgai, Atbasar, Akmolinsk, Petropavlovsk, Pavlodar, etc. In addition, they stayed in 37 auls, visited the then few existing industrial centers (Spassky and Ekibastuz), and held no less than 126 meetings and 420 talks in order to extensively explain the governmental policy and the partisan ideology.
This was just the beginning of an enormous work that was later undertaken by provinces, which created their own Red Caravans and Yurts, while agitation and propaganda departments (APO) were subsequently developed under the Kirghiz regional committee and provincial party committees. The emancipation of Kazakh women was accelerated with similar events in which prominent figures of the local and federal women’s movement helped poor and illiterate women living in remote areas fully learn and understand the rights that the new state offered them, thus terminating the extremely immoral and pseudo-religious use of Islam by ignorant and uncouth, sadomasochist sheikhs and imams.
The 3rd Congress of Soviets of the Kirghiz ASSR was held 6th to 13th October 1922. The various reports emphasized “the steady implementation by the Soviet government of the principles of national equality and self-government of the working masses of various nationalities”. Among many other decisions made, the congress led to the creation of the ‘Society for the Study of the Kirghiz Territory’ (: Kirghiz ASSR / Общество изучения Киргизского края). Bringing Russian and Kazakh scientists together, this institution functioned as the cradle of the Kazakh academic class.
The 4th Congress of Soviets of the Kirghiz ASSR was held 5th to 10th January 1924. The focus was evidently focused on the agriculture and that’s why the resolution “On measures to restore and strengthen agriculture” detailed the local needs, notably the development of demonstration plots, breeding nurseries, the creation of state reserve seed funds, the training of agricultural specialists from Kazakhs (for which a special scholarship fund was provided), the reduction of prices for agricultural implements, the organization of hay forage bases, the reward of farms for improving livestock productivity, etc. Amongst others, the congress discussed the draft Constitution of the Kirghiz ASSR, which consisted of 7 sections and 18 chapters, and instructed the Central Executive Committee to finalize the text. About:
As already mentioned (part XVII unit b), the Kazakh ASSR had the very bad luck to experience the tenure of the paranoid gangster Filipp Goloshchyokin for 8 years (1925-1933). So evil this person was that he wanted to launch, a second, ‘small’, October (Малый Октябрь) with the intention to suppress and eliminate the local tribal elites of the Kazakhs in an unnecessarily overwhelming manner. The term was amply used in the sense that the October 1917 Revolution had not yet properly ‘come’ to Kazakhstan. It is true that, despite all the decisions made and measures taken until 1925, the central government had only minimal leverage over the nomadic population – in great contrast with what was happening with the workers and the populations of the country’s central regions. This is so because the main supporters of the Bolsheviks among the Kazakhs were the youth, the workers, and the intellectuals, who also had little contact with, and knowledge about, the nomads. When it comes to the aul households, which was still the nucleus of the Kazakh social life, as per the data of the 1926 census, only 23% of them were fully settled (sedentary).
For these reasons and because of personal vanity, Filipp Goloshchyokin wanted to ‘start from scratch’ and implement absurdly and inhumanly radical measures; that’s why he rejected the methodic work done by his predecessors (as it had not brought forth spectacular results) and he started fighting with all the local Communists. Long before Stalin decimated all those, who disagreed with him, throughout Soviet Union during the Great Purge, Goloshchyokin persecuted the Kazakh intellectuals in the period 1926-1930, removing most of them from their positions, arresting them, and accusing them of ‘national deviationism’. He even wrote a theatrical letter to Stalin to ask permission to launch his ‘Small October’! The brutal, prompt and forceful shift from nomadism to sedentary life caused the terrible famine, which has already been briefly described (part XVII unit c); it is noteworthy that only in the period 1926-1927, for the redistribution of arable and pasture land, about 1.360.000 acres of hayfields and 1.250.000 acres of arable land were taken from wealthy households and transferred to the poor and middle peasants.
Stalin expressed great indignation when he came to learn about the population decline in Kazakhstan, but unfortunately, it was too late. The fact that it took too long for Kazakh Bolsheviks like Uraz Isayev and others to protest is due to several reasons; first, there was an enormous improvement in terms of infrastructure; second, it was clear to the Kazakh intellectuals that the entire socioeconomic restructuring would be beneficial to most in the long run and that the overall progress would bring about a fair, just and right order among Kazakhs; third, the extensive implementation of korenizatsiya, after many decades of Russification and czarist imperialism, was enthusiastically accepted by all the nations and ethnic groups throughout the USSR. In fact, there was a certain crescendo in the realization of korenizatsiya concepts from the early 1920s until 1936, when the new constitution (effective: 5th December 1936) was adopted; within the context of every nation, korenizatsiya signified a complete and proper nation building – the building of a soviet nation of course. It covered all aspects of the nations under formation: socio-behavioral, educational, academic, scientific, cultural, ideological, artistic, economic, administrative and governmental.
Korenizatsiya was very ostensible in Soviet artists’ achievements & on official posters
It was in the early 1930s and thanks to korenizatsiya that the illustrious Kazakh author, playwright and intellectual Gabit Musirepov (1902-1985; Габит Махмутович Мусрепов) wrote the libretto to the first Kazakh opera Kyz-Zhibek (Кыз-Жибек), which was based on a 16th c. traditional folk legend that narrated the terrible troubles that were caused to the Kazakhs by the feudal oligarchs (music: Yevgeny Brusilovsky). Similar paradigms existed within every other Soviet nation. And according to the new constitution, throughout the USSR, there were 11 socialist republics, 22 autonomous republics, 9 autonomous regions, and 9 national territories; this means that, due to korenizatsiya, no less than 50 different nation building processes were undertaken within the vast country, whereas at the same time, the administration was greatly centralised. An incredible achievement indeed!
Gabit MusrepovBrochure of the Opera Kyz-ZhibekMain characters in the popular imagination
Gradually, after 1936, korenizatsiya started dwindling and finally, it faded away; many historians view in this development a certain comeback of the Russification, but this is wrong. Simply, as process, korenizatsiya was completed. It was actually never canceled or repealed; but the young Communist nations were already consolidated, and what was needed at the time was a stronger bond among the already built, established, and strengthened nations of the USSR. By the 1930s, in the Kazakh ASSR, there were already more than ten pioneering linguists, grammarians and lexicographers, who had already extensively published about practically speaking anything – from manuals of Kazakh language to academic articles and scholarly researches. Indicatively: Khalil Dosmukhamedov (1883-1939; Халел Досмухамедович Досмухамедов), Koshmuhambet Kemengerov (1896-1937; Кошмухамбет Кеменгеров), Saken Seifullin (1894-1938; Сакен Сейфуллин), Beimbet Mailin (1894-1938; Беимбет Жармагамбетович Майлин), Mirzhakip Dulatov (1885-1935; Миржакип Дулатов), Magzhan Zhumabaev (1893-1938; Магжан Жумабаев), Telzhan Shonanov (1894-1938; Телжан Шонанов), Eldes Omarov (1892-1937; Елдес Омаров), Ahmet Baitursynov (1872-1937; Ахмет Байтурсынов), Kudaibergen Zhubanov (1899-1938; Кудайберген Куанович Жубанов), Nazir Turekulov (1892-1937; Назир Тюрякулович Тюрякулов), Jusibek Aimautov (1889-1930; Джусупбек Аймаутов), T. Zhurgenov (1898=1938; Темирбек Караевич Жургенов), etc. About:
When Levon Mirzoyan (1897-1939; Левон Исаевич Мирзоян) was moved from Perm (where he was Secretary of the Perm Regional Committee and 2nd Secretary of the Ural Regional Committee of the Communist Party) to Kazakhstan to replace Goloshchyokin, he did not know that Kazakhstan would soon be upgraded to SSR. In fact, on 5th December 1936, the Kazakh ASSR was removed from the Russian SFSR and was given the status of a union republic: the Kazakh SSR (Казахская ССР). Following this development, the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks upgraded (on 23th April 1937) the regional party organization, thus establishing the Communist Party of Kazakhstan. In June 1937, the First Congress of Communists of the Republic completed the formalization of the CPK. Kazakhs remember with some nostalgia the period of Mirzoyan’s tenure. This happens not without some reason.
Mirzoyan was a passionate human and a caring person; all the troubles that he encountered in Kazakhstan strongly motivated him to outperform himself and to do all that it took to improve the conditions of life and to ensure a humane treatment of all the inhabitants of the vast state. In a letter sent to Lazar Kaganovich (a Yiddish-speaking Ashkenazi Khazarian from Ukraine, who was one of the closest associates of Stalin: 1893-1991; Лазарь Моисеевич Каганович), Mirzoyan wrote the following: “I left Moscow being sure that the situation in Kazakhstan was difficult, but what I saw here exceeded all my expectations”. As he arrived in January 1933, he deployed a great effort in the first months, thus ensuring an excellent harvest in the summer; he ordered to stop the mass slaughter of livestock and to distribute more than 1 million 100 thousand heads of cattle to collective farmers over the span of the next three years.
Among Mirzoyan’s major achievements, one can enumerate the following: the beginning of the construction of the Ulba hydroelectric power station, the building of the Chimkent lead plant, the construction of the Ridder plant, the fast development of the Karaganda coal basin, the expansion of the explorations in the Emba region, the commissioning of new oil fields, and the establishment of industrial zones. At the end of 1935, the construction of the Guriev-Orsk oil pipeline with a length of about 800 km was completed. In an astounding change from the earlier socioprofessional conditions, already in the second half of the 1930s, 46.5% of the local population worked in the industrial sector. The industrialization of Kazakhstan was a fact.
Mirzoyan showed a great interest for the arts and the sciences in Kazakhstan. He supervised the establishment of the Kazakh Musical Theater, the Kazakh State Philharmonic Society, and the Kazakh base of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR (with the following sectors: the botanical, zoological, geographical, Field Research Commission, Historical and Archaeological Commission, and Commission for the Kazakh dictionary). Furthermore, the First Congress of Writers of Kazakhstan was duly prepared and successfully held; in addition, the great national Kazakh poet Abai Kunanbaev (rather known in English bibliography as brahim (Abai) Qunanbaiuly: 1845-1904; Абай Кунанбаев) was fully ‘rehabilitated’.
Living in a cruel era, Mirzoyan was perilously humane; at times, he warned Kazakh intellectuals and partisan activists about their forthcoming arrest, trying to convince them to leave the country. Worse, he entered in personal dispute with Stalin and others in order to save ‘nationalist’ elements that they wanted to arrest and execute. When he opposed the decision to further deport the Koreans (see above: part XVII unit d) from South Kazakhstan to North Kazakhstan, because this eventuality would expose these populations to further adversities, he created doubts about his fidelity and trustworthiness. At a time, when the human life had absolutely no value, this attitude proved to be lethal; he was arrested in 1938 and executed in February 1939, only to be rehabilitated in 1958.
Mirzoyan was replaced first by the Russian Nikolai Skvortsov (1899-1974; Николай Александрович Скворцов) for the period May 1938 – May 1945, and later by the Russian Gennady Borkov (1905-1983; Геннадий Андреевич Борков) for the period May 1945 – June 1946. Before his appointment, Skvortsov was the deputy head of the department of leading party bodies of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party. Before being appointed at the top partisan position in Kazakhstan, Borkov was the First Secretary of the Khabarovsk Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party, in Eastern Siberia, very close to the borders of China.
Nikolai SkvortsovNikolai SkvortsovNikolai SkvortsovGennady BorkovGennady Borkov as the main speaker
It is only in 1946 that the position of the First Secretary of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan was first held by an ethnic Kazakh, i.e. Dzhumabay Shayahmetov (1902-1966; Жумабай Шаяхметович Шаяхметов), a well-known apparatchik and Stalinist propagandist, who had held many key positions in the Soviet administration. In a way, he was promoted through the ranks, because as early as June 1938, he was appointed as 3rd Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Kazakh SSR. From his position, he supervised the people’s commissariats of the Finance, Utilities, Food Industry, Health Care, and the Komsomol; he also widely popularized the Stalinist version of Marxist-Leninist ideology, and -with others- contributed to the process of effectively providing proper support to China in the war against Japan.
One year later, in June 1939, Shayahmetov was appointed as 2nd Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Kazakh SSR. The promotion was timely, because it coincided with the preparation of the celebrations for the 20th anniversary of the Kazakh ASSR, the commissioning of the Akmolinsk-Kartaly railway, and the transition to an eight-hour working day and a six-day working week. Shayahmetov achieved a remarkable improvement in the development of agriculture and he was awarded for this. In 1941, he was appointed as authorized member of the State Defense Committee (Государственный комитет обороны) for the Kazakh SSR.
In fact, during the critical days of the Great Patriotic War (WW II), Shayahmetov was the top person who supervised the arrival and the temporary integration in the Kazakh SSR of many people and enterprises evacuated from the western regions of the USSR. Only in 1941, ca. 360000 evacuated people arrived in Kazakhstan, and until the middle of 1943, the number rose to 530000 people. In addition, the Kazakh authorities were asked to accommodate thousands of cattle, sheep and horses, plus other types of property belonging to collective and state farms of the western regions.
Solving issues of accommodation and addressing sociobehavioral problems of the deported peoples, Shayahmetov proved to be a highly effective bureaucrat and a fully trustworthy subordinate. During WW II, with a population of 6 million people and with 1.2 million people drafted into the army, the Kazakh SSR experienced a shortage of personnel. Shayahmetov tried to solve the problem by inviting Kazakhs, who were living in other parts of Soviet Union, to return and work in Kazakhstan. When the inflow of wounded and sick people increased tremendously, a department for the coordination of medical institutions was launched, and military hospitals increased exponentially (from just 2 before the war to 78 in 1942). At a certain moment during the war, it was possible to treat simultaneously 24000 patients in Kazakhstan’s military hospitals. Similarly, in diverse sectors of the economy, like agriculture and industry, the Kazakh SSR proved able increase the productivity considerably to meet the nationwide needs.
Last, after the end of the war, the Kazakh SSR provided assistance to the regions of the country, which were liberated from the invaders. In 1945, following the festivities for the 25th anniversary of the formation of Kazakhstan, Dzhumabay Shayakhmetov was awarded the First Order of Lenin for services to the development of agriculture. It was therefore only normal that, in the first months of 1946, he was promoted to First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Kazakh SSR. Actually, to be accurate, it was more than just a promotion; it was an exceptional praise expressed by Stalin in favor of Shayahmetov; in fact, it occurred several times, notably in the air parade in Tushino, when Stalin introduced Shayahmetov to Soviet Union’s top officials with the following words: “Comrades, this is Dzhumabay Shayahmetov, the first national secretary of Kazakhstan”.
It was then (summer 1946) that Stalin called the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Kazakh SSR “Eagle of the East”. There was a good reason for Stalin to laud the Kazakh nation’s contribution to the Soviet victory. Actually, the first Soviet officer to raise the Soviet Flag at the Reichstag in Berlin was an ethnic Kazakh, namely Lieutenant Rakhimzhan Qoshqarbaev (1924-1988; Рахимжан Кошкарбаевич Кошкарбаев / Рақымжан Қошқарбаев) of the 674th Infantry Regiment; he is not the person shown on the world-famous photo (which immortalized an event occurred on the 2nd May 1945). The brave officer managed to sneak into the building on April 30th in the afternoon and to raise the flag in the early hours of 1st May; as it was dark, no picture could be taken; however, all the participants in the brave act were proclaimed heroes of the Soviet Union. The flag was brought down after the dawn, and therefore the flag shown on the illustrious picture is merely the second Soviet Flag raised over the Reichstag.
Among other illustrious Kazakh heroes of the Great Patriotic War, one can mention Khiuaz Dospanova (1922-2008; Хиуаз Каировна Доспанова), the famous Kazakh pilot, who was the first Kazakh aviatrice and served in the 588th Night Bomber Regiment {which was also called ‘Night Witches’ (ночные ведьмы)}, and Bauyrzhan Momyshuly (1910-1982; Бауыржан Момышулы), author and military officer (colonel), who commanded the 9th Guards Rifle Division and took part in many battles.
Dzhumabay Shayahmetov did not have an easy job in Kazakhstan after the end of WW II either; although not a single battle was fought on the territory of the Kazakh SSR, there were heavy casualties among the inhabitants: 600000 dead and many thousands of soldiers wounded at the battlefield. Consequently, the labor shortage created a serious problem, and collective farms and state farms could not maintain their production levels. The living conditions deteriorated, because due to lower production, people could not get the necessary amount of food. There was shortage in almost everything, and the situation turned worse because of the presence of immigrants and deportees. Shayahmetov made a breakthrough by training and re-training former front-line soldiers and young graduates of schools and vocational schools. After great effort, positive results in the development of agriculture were achieved in 1947 and the number of livestock increased up to a point that the card system was not anymore necessary in the Kazakh SSR.
Shayahmetov’s tenure is also remembered because of the following achievements: the intensification of the industrialization, the mass electrification of auls and villages of the republic, the creation of the Academy of Sciences of the Kazakh SSR (1946), the creation, growth and improvement of national cadres, the official translation of the collected works of Lenin into the Kazakh language, and the increased participation of Kazakhs in the higher education; there were only 1400 university students in 1944, but already 3500 students in 1946. And in the period from 1950 to 1955, about 700 industrial enterprises were built in the Kazakh SSR. The increased number of Kazakh candidates and members of the Communist Party testified to public support and acceptance of the governmental policies; from 113000 partisans in 1943, there were 203000 partisans in 1947. Despite the fact that at the time Russians outnumbered the Kazakhs throughout the Kazakh SSR, among the partisan cadres (secretaries of city and district party committees, secretaries of the regional committees, chairmen of the regional executive committees, etc) the Kazakhs formed the majority.
The personal success of Shayahmetov’s commitment to incessant improvement became widely known across the Soviet Union; in 1950, at the first session of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, he was elected chairman of the Council of Nationalities of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, which was a great distinction at the personal and the national levels. Soon afterwards, the very influential Marshal Nikolai Bulganin (1895-1975; Николай Александрович Булганин), who had already been Deputy Prime Minister of the Soviet Union (1947-1950), proposed Shayakhmetov’s candidacy for the post of minister in the Government of the USSR, but Stalin rejected the idea mainly because he believed that there was no proper replacement for Shayakhmetov in the Kazakh SSR at the time.
When Khrushchev rose to power after Stalin’s death, Shayahmetov fully disagreed with the new leader’s ideas and plans for further, faster agricultural development in the Kazakh SSR. The visioner and paragon of de-Stalinization mistrusted the Kazakh leader as Stalinist and, consequently, at the IX plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan, which was held on 5th-6th February 1954, Shayakhmetov was removed from the post of First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Kazakh SSR.
In the period between February 1954 and January 1960, four persons succeeded one another in the top partisan position of Kazakhstan; the first was Belarussian and the other three Russians. The first three spent one year each at the top position of the local Communist Party, and the fourth stayed in the position for slightly more than two years. Among them, the first to be appointed was Panteleimon Ponomarenko (1902-1984; Пантелеймон Кондратьевич Пономаренко), a high rank Soviet official, who had just served for two years as Minister of Procurement and for one year as Minister of Culture of the USSR, before being appointed in the Kazakh SSR. Outstanding Belarussian partisan (like Andrei Gromyko, the illustrious Soviet Minister of Foreign Affairs), Ponomarenko had served as First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Belarussian SSR from 1938 until 1947. His credentials testify to the importance that the Supreme Soviet attributed to the Kazakh SSR.
And the liberation of the arrested and imprisoned (in 1951, for reasons of ‘bourgeois nationalism’) Kazakh historian and professor of university Ermukhan Bekmakhanov (1915-1966; Ермухан Бекмаханович Бекмаханов) bears witness to the importance that Ponomarenko gave to the Kazakhs; he even condemned the arrest of the Kazakh academic – a very rare act in the USSR. At this point, it is noteworthy to underscore that Ermukhan Bekmakhanov’s comprehensive, convincing and very remarkable contribution “Присоединение Казахстана к России” (the Accession of Kazakhstan to Russia; Almaty 1957) totally demolishes all the viciously odious and absolutely erroneous pretensions, assumptions, arguments and presentations of the perfidious and disreputable Western forgerers and pseudo-academics, who customarily publish bogus research only to diffuse historical distortions and divisive propaganda that serves only the anti-Kazakh, anti-Russian, and anti-Turkic interests of NATO, UK, US and other Western countries.
a- The Baikonur Cosmodrome, the Virgin Lands Campaign, and the Temirtau Riots
When Panteleimon Ponomarenko was sent as ambassador to Poland (in 1955, before being subsequently dispatched to India, the Netherlands, and the International Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna), Leonid Brezhnev (1906-1982; Леонид Ильич Брежнев) was dispatched to the Kazakh SSR to replace him. Of course, no one at the time could imagine the meteoric rise that this Major General of the Red Army (in 1946) would have in the 1960s (backed by the so-called “Dnipropetrovsk Mafia” / Днепропетровский клан), but already Brezhnev was a deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union (1950) and the First Secretary of the Communist Party of the Moldovan SSR (1951-1952; where he first encountered Konstantin Chernenko, the last Secretry General of the Communist Party of Soviet Union before M. Gorbachev).
Beyond the support of the aforementioned ‘clan’ or group, Brezhnev had two key moments in his partisan life that later proved to be quite instrumental in propelling him to the very top: first, a personal meeting with Stalin at the 19th Congress of the Communist Party of Soviet Union (5 to 14 October 1952), after which he was elected a member of the Central Committee and soon afterwards secretary of the Central Committee and candidate member of the Presidium of the Central Committee (at the age of 46), and second, the support that he offered to Khrushchev against Malenkov in the post-Stalin era (which was due to Brezhnev’s correct evaluation of the dynamics of the party balance). This is how he was boosted to the top.
So, as it happened with Ponomarenko, Brezhnev’s appointment in Kazakhstan fully demonstrates the great importance that the Moscow’s top attributed to the Kazakh SSR. One year before moving to Almaty (Alma-Ata), Brezhnev was appointed as Deputy Head of the Main Political Directorate of the USSR Ministry of Defense with the rank of Lieutenant General. On 26th June 1953, Brezhnev was among the ten armed generals summoned to the Kremlin to arrest Lavrentiy Beria (1899-1953; Лаврентий Берия), one of Stalin’s closest allies and one of the most dominant Soviet potentates of all times.
In Kazakhstan (7th May 1955 to 6th March 1956), Brezhnev made his careerist manners and attitude well known; he did not care much about people, but about projects – notably those that would be counting to his credit. He supervised the development of the virgin lands, for which he was later (1957) awarded a medal by the Supreme Military Council of the Kazakh SSR, and he dedicated his attention almost entirely to the preparation of the construction of the “Research Test Site No. 5” of the USSR Ministry of Defense in the southern part of Kazakhstan, which is what is nowadays widely known as the Baikonur Cosmodrome. However, his interest in Baikonur antedates his appointment in Kazakhstan, because Brezhnev oversaw the issues of the military-industrial complex, including the development of space technology, already when he was the secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU. As a matter of fact, if the Soviet Cosmodrome is located in Kazakhstan, and not elsewhere, this is due to Brezhnev; he wrote in his memories the following:
“Experts understood well: it would be faster, easier, cheaper to settle in the Black Lands. Here, there is a railway, a highway, water, and electricity, the whole area is inhabited, and the climate is not as harsh as in Kazakhstan. So the Caucasian version had many supporters. At that time, I had to study a lot of documents, projects, certificates, discuss all this with scientists, business executives, engineers, specialists who in the future were to launch rocket technology into space. Gradually, a well-grounded decision took shape in my own mind. The Central Committee of the Party came out in favor of the first option – the Kazakh one. … Life has confirmed the expediency and correctness of such a decision: the lands of the North Caucasus are preserved for agriculture, and Baikonur has transformed another region of the country. The missile range needed to be put into operation quickly, the deadlines were tight, and the scale of the work was huge“.
However, in his Virgin Lands Campaign, Brezhnev failed and the food crisis that Soviet Union experienced at the time lasted for some years. Had he stayed longer in Almaty, his career would have been ruined, but in March 1956 he was back in Moscow as candidate member of the Politburo in charge of the heavy industry, the space program including the Baykonur Cosmodrome, and the defence industry.
In replacement of Brezhnev, Ivan Yakovlev (1910-1999; Иван Дмитриевич Яковлев) was dispatched to Almaty; prior to his appointment, he had served as the First Secretary of the Novosibirsk Regional Committee of the CPSU for 6 years (1949-1955 and as the Second Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan for one year under Brezhnev. His tenure lasted about 20 months (6th March 1956 – 13th December 1957), and then he was replaced by Nikolai Belyaev (1903-1966; Николай Ильич Беляев). The fact that for many years several Russians succeeded one another in the top position of the Kazakh SSR should not take anyone by surprise, because we have to always take into consideration the fact that for many decades -as it is already said- the Russians outnumbered the Kazakhs on the territory of the SSR.
Belyaev had served as the First Secretary of the Regional Committee of the Communist Party in the Altai Region (1943-1946) where he led the local effort for economic restoration and development; in 1946, he was elected in the Supreme Soviet, and he was a member of the Central Committee of the CPSU (since 1952). In his position in Kazakhstan (13th December 1957–19th January 1960), he failed terribly first, because he did not manage to stop the decline in agriculture, and second, due to his low performance in the Temirtau riots; that’s why he was fully dismissed in 1960. Subsequently, he was sent to the Stavropol Territory as the First Secretary the local committee of the Communist Party; by coincidence, the First Secretary of the Stavropol city’s Komsomol was a 29-years old young man named Mikhail Gorbachev (a native from the area).
The Temirtau riots ended up with 10 people dead, dozens of wounded and hundreds of arrested and imprisoned. The events started as a strike and they lasted four days (1st– 4th August 1959); they were related to the construction of a metallurgical plant named Kazakhstan Magnitka. No less than 25000 people had arrived earlier in 1959 to work there, although the housing, working and living conditions were extremely rudimentary and harsh. Temirtau is located ca. 200 km south of Nursultan; in the scorching Kazakh steppe climate, the workers were accommodated in tents (an entire tent city), whereas the water and food supply was inadequate and untimely. As it was a common practice in the Soviet Union and other countries of the Eastern Bloc, a group of Bulgarian workers arrived to also work there at the middle of July 1959, but they were treated differently; the corporate authorities insisted that the foreign guests could not be accommodated in tents. This produced an overwhelming reaction among the local workforce; the situation deteriorated on 1st August, when the guards forced the Kazakhs and the Russians to wait out, until the guest workers complete their breakfast in the canteen.
Temirtau riotsThe location of Temirtau south of Astana
Then, the local workers decided not to work, but to destroy whatever they found around them, starting with the canteen, the nearby shops, and a department store that they looted. There were several hundreds of rebels; that’s why the Temirtau municipal authorities sent soldiers against them. This was all in vain, because the troops heard the story details from the insurgents and rejected to shoot unarmed workers. A chaotic situation lasted for 2-3 days, and then other troops (including cadets) were dispatched; they opened fire at the workers, and soon the insurgence was suppressed. Many insurgents escaped driving looted cars, which were later found abandoned in the steppe. It is noteworthy that almost half of the arrested were members of the local Komsomol; and there were more than 100 soldiers and officers wounded. On 4th August everything seemed to be calm again, but the news had spread and there was an overwhelming indignation throughout the Kazakh SSR.
On 5th August 1959, Leonid Brezhnev, due to his previous experience, arrived from Moscow to Temirtau; having executive powers and the intention to prevent further escalation, he took measures to effectively satisfy the local people. He immediately eliminated several apparatchiks, partisans, corporate managers, and economic activists; he expelled several people from the party and fired many policemen and municipal officials. Normal housing, working and living conditions were granted to all the workers, the Bulgarian team was sent back to Bulgaria, and within a week time, the damages were repaired and the workers returned to their posts. There was also a promise that top people would inevitably pay for their laxity; consequently, on 22nd October 1959, the First Secretary of the Karaganda Regional Committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan, Pavel Isaev (1911-1974; Павел Николаевич Исаев), was removed from his post and even expelled from the ranks of the CPSU; and on 19th January 1960, Nikolai Belyaev was transferred to Stavropol with a demotion.
Belyaev was replaced by an ethnic Kazakh, but during the last three decades of the Kazakh SSR (1960-1991), there was still one more ethnic Russian to hold the post of the First Secretary of the Communist Party of the Kazakh SSR. Actually, during these 30 years, only four persons (in five different assignments) succeeded one another atop the local Communist Party. What happened, in brief, was this: Dinmukhamed Kunaev (1912-1993; Динмухамед Ахмедович Кунаев), a Brezhnev-protégé, was appointed to replace Belyaev in 1960, at a time Brezhnev had still good relations with Khrushchev. After almost three years, Kunaev disagreed with Khrushchev’s plans to transfer parts of South Kazakhstan’s territory to Uzbekistan, and he was replaced in December 1962 by Ismail Yusupov (1914-2005; Исмаил Абдурасулович Юсупов), an ethnic Uighur and member of the Uighur minority in Kazakhstan, who held the top position in the Kazakh SSR for two years, until December 1964. By that time, Khrushchev had been overthrown by Brezhnev (13th October 1964); it took Brezhnev little time to bring his protégé back to the position that he had had. Kunaev stayed there for 22 years, until the end of 1986, thus being himself an outstanding example of the -often deliberately misinterpreted ‘era of stagnation’ (Период застоя: 1964-1985)- Brezhnev period.
Kunaev in 1937 Kunaev in 1942Kazakhstan in the 1930s: the construction of Balkhash cityKunaev with Khrushchev Kunaev with BrezhnevKunaev with Brezhnev and the Indian President Varahagiri Venkata Giri in 1973
When Gorbachev was elected as the successor of Kostantin Chernenko (11th March 1985), it was clear that young technocrats and dynamic apparatchiks would be favored over the ‘old guard’, i.e. Brezhnev’s team (or ‘Mafia’). Gorbachev would apparently support young men who stood against the nomeklatura corruption and the stagnant bureaucracy. Meanwhile, on 22nd March 1984 (a little bit more than a month after Chernenko succeeded Andropov as the General Secretary of the Communist Party of Soviet Union), Kunaev appointed a 44-year old apparatchik as Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Kazakh SSR (which was the equivalent of a prime minister/ Председатель Совета министров Казахской ССР): Nursultan Nazarbayev. He was the youngest person ever to be appointed in that position throughout Soviet Union. Nazarbayev proved to be one of the earliest supporters of Gorbachev in 1985; one year later (1986), as prime minister, Nazarbayev criticized institutions, which had not yet taken steps in the direction of perestroika; his stance and approch was a general position with no personal motives. When the issue reached the Kazakh Academy of Sciences (then presided by Kunaev’s brother), there was a certain turmoil, because Askar Kunaev was an influential person.
By that time, Dinmukhamed Kunaev flıed to Moscow and met Gorbachev to express his wish to retire for health reasons; this was true and it is well known that he died few years later, after having had very poor health for that period. His demand was accepted and, soon afterwards, Kunaev was replaced by Gennady Kolbin, a decision that was due to the ill-tempered and disastrous advisers of Gorbachev. Of course, Nazarbayev was too young at the time to be appointed as the First Secretary of the Communist Party of the Kazakh SSR, but there were certainly other potential candidates, except the person that Kunaev suggested personally to Gorbachev.
Western forgers have relentlessly tried to propagate the idea that the appointment (16th December 1986) of Gennady Kolbin (1927-1998; Геннадий Васильевич Колбин), an ethnic Russian from Western Siberia, who had never been in Kazakhstan before, was the reason that triggered the protests. However, this is a terrible distortion of the historical reality. The events became known as Jeltoqsan (Желтоқсан), which is the Kazakh name for December. In fact, most of the protesters were students, who decried Gorbachev’s rejection of the candidate designated by Kunaev himself as his own successor. There was no ethnic character in the events. From the 16th to the 19th December 1986, many cities of the Kazakh SSR were in real chaos. It took three days for the troops, cadets, policemen, KGB staffers, and partisan volunteers to put the riots under control; but Kolbin stayed, only to be replaced later, on the 22nd June 1989, by Nursultan Nazarbayev. There were only two dead and hundreds of wounded protesters. Some dozens of students were expelled from the universities and few prosecuted. About:
b- The Patriotic Stance of Dinmukhamed Kunaev and the Shymkent Riots(1967)
As a matter of fact, what happened in Tajikistan in the 1990s and in Kyrgyzstan in the 2000s, occurred in Kazakhstan in the 1980s. The real reasons of the turmoil may have been different from one country to the other, and the duration of the ordeal may have hinged on the dexterity and the ability of the local rulers, but at the end of the 20th century, all the nations of Central Asia were left with the impression that the visions of their Jadidist intellectuals and activists before 100 years were never materialized; this was true and accurate indeed. That’s why there have been much nostalgia and many references to them, plus numerous acts of rehabilitation of their memory.
At this point, a clarification must be made as regards the ethnic origin of the ruling elite of the Kazakh SSR; although from 1920 to 1991, the top partisan position was mainly occupied by non-ethnic Kazakhs (involving following positions: Secretaries of the Kyrgyz Regional Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCP / Секретари Киргизского областного бюро ЦК РКП from 1920 to 1921; Secretaries of the Kirghiz (Kazakh) Regional Committee of the RCP / Секретари Киргизского (Казахского) обкома РКП from 1921 to 1925; Secretaries of the Kazakhstan Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of the Soviet Union / Секретари Казахстанского крайкома ВКП from 1925 to 1937; and First Secretaries of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan / Первые секретари ЦК Компартии Казахстана; from 1937 to 1991), this situation did not occur in other top posts in Kazakhstan. For the aforementioned positions, (3+3+2+11) 19 persons succeeded one another {in (3+4+3+13) 23 assignments}, but only 5 among them (in 7 assignments) were ethnic Kazakhs.
As I have already stated, this situation was partly justified, because the Russians outnumbered the Kazakhs within the territory of the Kazakh SSR for many decades. All the same, this state of affairs was not repeated in other important positions of the local administration (involving following positions: Chairmen of the Central Executive Committee of the Kazakh SSR / Председатели Центрального исполнительного комитета Казахской ССР from 1933 to 1938; Chairmen of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Kazakh SSR / Председатели Президиума Верховного Совета Казахской ССР from 1938 to 1990; Chairmen of the Council of People’s Commissars of the Kazakh SSR / Председатели Совета народных комиссаров Казахской ССР from 1929 to 1946; and Chairmen of the Council of Ministers of the Kazakh SSR / Председатели Совета министров Казахской ССР from 1946 to 1991). Almost all the persons, who succeeded one another in these positions, were ethnic Kazakhs.
Many specialists and insiders are convinced that, if Khrushchev remained in power another 5-7 years and managed to eliminate the increasing influence of Brezhnev and his gang (or team or ‘Mafia’), the Soviet Union would not disintegrate, but efficiently transform into a mixed economic model, eventually similar to Deng Xiaoping’s China in the 1980s and 1990s, with Khrushchev having then been successful where Gorbachev apparently failed. This remains hypothetical, but there was indeed a time when all the paragons of the stagnation were well-performing administrators, energetic partisans, and burgeoning executives”. This was particularly ostensible in post-WW II Kazakhstan.
Dinmukhamed Kunaev, who is also well-known for his famous book ‘From Stalin to Gorbachev’ (От Сталина до Горбачева; published posthumously in 1994), had already risen to important positions before his encounter with Brezhnev; in 1952, at the age of 40, he was President of the Academy of Sciences of the Kazakh SSR, and three years later, he was appointed as Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Kazakh SSR. Beyond his strong commitment to the improvement of the agricultural production, the expansion of the industrial development, and the enhancement of the natural resources’ exploitation, Kunaev was a paragon of the Kazakhization and to some extent he consolidated the foundations of the Kazakh nationalism. He fervently supported Khrushchev’s Virgin Lands’ campaign in Kazakhstan (Освоение целины в Казахстане), which is also another indication of the consciousness that the Soviet rulers had about the importance of Kazakhstan for the entire Soviet Union.
Kunaev asserted his authority over the Kazakh SSR mainly after his comeback in 1964, when Brezhnev appointed him again, after having overthrown Khrushchev. His early dynamism soon subsided, after he faced the Shymkent riots in the hot summer of 1967. He preferred to secure stability and order than to achieve growth and development while angering the population.
The events that took place in Kazakhstan’s southern city of Shymkent {Шымкент (spelled Chimkent/Чимкент at the time); ca. 130 km north of Uzbekistan’s capital Tashkent} on the 13th June 1967 remain a mystery until now. Known in Russian as Чимкентский бунт (Chimkent riot), the precipitous and unforeseen events clearly shed light on the exasperation of local prople and professional categories (notably the drivers) with the policemen and their brutal manners. It all started with a funny but unlucky personal story of a driver, who died out of an accident late in the evening of the 12th June; early in the morning of the 13th June, due to various rumors, the colleagues of the deceased driver attributed his death to policemen (which was not true), because such was the height of the indignation.
Many other drivers joined the crowd that walked up to the local police station, passing by the city market first to garner supporters. Other drivers drove their cars, thus generating great confusion to the average people and unprecedented panic to the local authorities. Police officers began firing at the crowd only to get stones and Molotov cocktails in response. Many attributed, already at the time, the riots to the British Intelligence and their local agents, pinpointing that, although the event started spontaneously, it soon turned out to be a matter of coordinated action. The rebels invaded the police station and advanced to the pre-trial detention center to ‘liberate’ the arrested people (there were about 400 prisoners there). The protesters failed to invade the center, but the ensued chaos was only resolved on the next day, after the arrival of the paratroopers (1,150 servicemen of the Turkestan military district from Tashkent, and troops of the Ministry of Defense of the USSR). The military forces killed many rioters and arrested hundreds of them. The public transport resumed immediately, but it took some days for full normal life to return to Shymkent, because people were afraid to walk in the streets and more particularly in the area where the events took place.
With the police buildings burned, the documents lost, the local forces panicked, the rumors spread, and the grudge against the policemen overwhelming, it is normal that the authorities made an effort to appease the people. Until now, the archival materials are classified, whereas the various participants, who may eventually speak, give highly divergent versions of the events, which were -quite typically- dubbed ‘anti-police’. But it is certain that, at certain moment, there were ca. 3000 protesters shouting against the police in the streets of the city, although it is also true that many other people were present there only out of curiosity. There is one point on which all sources seem to agree: all the public order officers were scared to oppose the protesters, and all the inhabitants of the city were shocked seeing the glow of the blazing fire, which was visible from all parts of the city.
The party and police leadership urgently flocked to the city from Alma-Ata and Moscow. Who has not been to Shymkent after the riots: member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU Andrei Kirilenko, Minister of Public Order (as the Ministry of Internal Affairs was then called) Colonel-General Nikolai Shchelokov, his deputy Boris Shumilin, head of the Main Police Department Alexei Kudryavtsev, Minister of Public Order Order of Kazakhstan Shrakbek Kabylbaev! Then, many officials were removed from work and others were forced to retire.
This may sound strange to those having the very wrong impression (which was deliberately and scrupulously cultivated throughout the Western countries at the time) that there were no unrests, protests and riots in Soviet Union. As a matter of fact, only on the basis of hitherto declassified reports of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs, from 1953 to 1964, 416 cases of mass riots occurred in the Soviet Union. The most famous was the execution of striking workers in Novocherkassk in 1962 (which was known as Novocherkassk massacre / Новочеркасский расстрел). A lot has been written about these tragic events and in sufficient detail, so it makes sense to talk about similar performances in other parts of the USSR.
c- Ismail Yusupov, theUighur leader of Kazakhstan, and Nikita Khrushchev’s Unrestrainable Disregard of Borders
Yusupov, who was Khrushchev’s favorite for the top position in the Kazakh SSR, did not leave good memories among most of the Kazakhs, first because he belonged to the Uighur minority, second for having been too docile to Nikita Khrushchev, and third due to the fact that he accepted the transfer of several southern parts of the Kazakh SSR’s territory to the Uzbek SSR. It goes without saying that Yusupov met strong resistance even from his close subordinates for this reason and his 2-year long tenure was almost a ‘mission impossible’. That’s why all were happy in Kazakhstan, when Kunaev came back to power in 1964 thanks to Brezhnev (only 2.5 months after the removal of Khrushchev and the coming to power of the ‘troika’ or triumvirate Brezhnev, Kosygin, and Podgorny).
Of course, the real problem was not the docile attitude of Uighur Yusupov, but some of Khrushchev’s ideas, and more specifically his tendency to ceaselessly play with borders. If we see things from the viewpoint of Communist Internationalism, we can eventually reach the conclusion that, if all the lands between the Atlantic, the Indian, the Pacific and the Arctic oceans are ruled by communist establishments, it does not really matter whether Tibet is part of India, Kashmir belongs to Pakistan, and Siberia is Chinese territory. But this approach, which may look attractive at a general level, is never accepted at the specific local level – and for very good reason.
Over the past ten years, there has been an endless and passionate discussion about the terrible consequences that Khrushchev’s transfer of Crimea to Ukraine has had (Передача Крымской области из состава РСФСР в состав УССР; 1954); this is due to the situation that prevailed in the fake state of Ukraine after 2014. But in this field, one has to admit that Khrushchev’s unrestrainable Communist Internationalism, which most probably was a latent form of late Trotzkyism, did indeed cause a lot of damages in many other parts of the USSR too.
To be succinct and correct, the problem with the borders between the Kazakh SSR and the Uzbek SSR truly antedated the rise of Nikita Khrushchev to power. Yet, these borders for good reason were considered as one of the best regulated lines within the USSR. In fact, there was a border demarcation problem only in a section of about 200 km long; this was due to the existence of densely populated lands on both sides, namely in Kazakhstan (Saryagach/Сарыагаш and Maktaaral/ Мактаараль; in the Turkestan region / Туркестанская область, which is today known as South Kazakhstan Province / Южно-Казахстанская область) and in Uzbekistan (Tashkent and Jizzakh/Джизак/ جىززﻩخ regions).
However, in the first 3-4 decades of Soviet rule in the region, the practice of transferring territories for pastures to other republics became very common. This measure was adopted for temporary use and only for the purpose to increase the overall productivity of animal husbandry. However, in all of these cases, the land was viewed as ‘foreign’ and the users did not pay due attention; the ensuing negative result was that gradually these lands lost their fertility. At the same time, similar small territories started being very easily and very often transferred from one soviet republic to another and vice versa.
Within the aforementioned context, the Supreme Soviet of the Kazakh SSR issued a resolution on 21st January 1956 in order to apply to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR with a request to transfer the Bostandyk (Бостандык) region with a total area of almost 5000 km2 from the Kazakh SSR to the Uzbek SSR, except for certain territories, namely
– pastures used by collective farms of the Dzhambul (Жамбыл/Джамбул; currently Taras/Тараз) region,
– lands depending on the Southern Golodnostepsky canal (южно-голодностепский канал) and the Central Golodnostepsky canal, and
– various lands that had been transferred to the Uzbek SSR in 1936–1937 for temporary use.
The Bostandyk region transfer had the strong support of N. Khrushchev, but not that of the experts. More specifically, a special commission had been created in 1954 to study the question of the validity of the transfer of these territories to the Uzbek SSR. Having carefully examined the issue, the commission decided that these territories were of particular importance for the economic activity of Kazakhstan and, therefore, their transfer to Uzbekistan would be inappropriate. Immediately, Zhumabek Tashenev (pronounced: Tasheniov; Жумабек Ахметович Ташенев), who was the chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the Kazakh SSR, and Leonid Brezhnev, who was the secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Kazakh SSR, approved the conclusion of the commission. Contrarily to them, Khrushchev did not accept any of the objections of the commission. Taking into consideration the realities of the Soviet governance, as well as the structure and the function of the administrative hierarchy, Tashenev and Brezhnev understood that they had to accept the transfer, because as Brezhnev said at the time, “if we refuse, then others will fulfill this decision”.
Subsequently, the Supreme Soviet of the Uzbek SSR voted to include the Bostandyk region into the Uzbek SSR’s territory, and the Supreme Soviet of the USSR issued an order on 13th February 1956 to reconfirm the “partial change in the border between the Kazakh SSR and the Uzbek SSR”. In spite of this development, further seizure of Kazakh pasturelands continued being carried out by Uzbeks. Collective farms and state farms in the Bukhara region (i.e. in a region far from the Kazakh-Uzbek border) used arbitrarily more than 3500 km2 of Kazakh territory as pastureland; in total, an area almost the size of Sardinia (more than 20000 km2) was captured by Uzbeks for pasture purposes. The directorates of the Kazakh Kyzylkum (Кызылкум) and the Chardara (Чардара; Kazakh: Шардара) state farms issued then an alarming warning.
The institution which we can now conventionally call ‘Soviet Ministry of Agriculture’ (Государственный комитет СМ СССР по хлебопродуктам/’USSR Council of Ministers State Committee for Grain Products’) issued a statement ordering the immediate abandonment of transhumance areas that were parts of Kazakhstan. A proposal involved also the early return of the Keles (Келес) territory (1500 km2) to Kazakhstan. But in 1961-1962, the leadership of the Uzbek SSR submitted a request for an extra permission to use 3500 km2 in South Kazakhstan and 6000 km2 in the Kyzyl-Orda regions as pasturelands; the Kazakh SSR rejected the demand. It is on this background that Khrushchev’s deeply anti-Kazakh feeling started being expressed, amd his personal involvement commenced to take shape.
Even nowadays, many people firmly believe that Khrushchev intended to effectively dismantle Kazakhstan and purposefully create an entirely new SSR in the process; this idea had much to do with the project of Virgin Lands (Освоение целины) that was geared to turn Kazakhstan into the granary of the entire Soviet Union. All the same, if this ambitious enterprise were successfully materialized, in Khrushchev’s mind, the ‘granary’ could be elevated to a higher status and become an independent SSR. Actually, it is well known that he spoke in favor of revising the borders between some SSRs in a closed meeting of the highest state and party bodies that took place on 24th January 1959.
In spite of the fact that the economy of Kazakhstan developed at a very fast pace, Khrushchev came up with the absurd argument that Kazakhstan was not capable of independently developing both agriculture and industry; to take things seriously, if this could be stated about Kazakhstan, it could also be said about any other SSR. To enlarge the Virgin Lands, he wanted to single out five regions of Kazakhstan and, in this manner, to attempt later to disaggregate the SSR; according to his words, the main goal of creating a new territorial unit was to stimulate the development of non-arable lands in the northern parts of the Kazakh SSR. In the future, Khrushchev would detach the enlarged Virgin Territory into a Soviet Socialist Republic separate from Kazakhstan, giving it the status of a union or resubordination of the region to the RSFSR. At this point, it is necessary to pinpoint that formally, throughout its existence, the Virgin Territory was part of Kazakhstan, but the real control was carried out from Moscow.
To advance with his plans, Khrushchev called to Moscow the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan, Dinmukhamed Kunaev, and Zhumabek Tashenev, who headed the local government; there he announced his plans to them (September 1960). Both, Kunaev and Tashenev, rejected Khrushchev’s concepts, but in the aftermath of the meeting, Khrushchev lied, when announcing that the Kazakh authorities agreed with his positions; actually, he was never really interested in their opinions on the topic, and the meeting was merely procedural. There is much literature about this event and, due to the existence of numerous rumors, no one can conclude on how far Khrushchev’s interlocutors went in their reactions. As it appears, Kunaev was well-tempered and moderate, but Tashenev reacted overwhelmingly and even threatened to take the case to international bodies, which would be tantamount to dissolution of the USSR.
Many assumptions about the two Kazakh patriotic leaders’ reactions against Khrushchev in that meeting draw on ulterior developments; both, Kunaev and Tashenev, were fired, but the latter fell in disgrace. Tashenev was indeed accused of ‘special intolerance’ and even marginalized. On Khrushchev’s ‘recommendation’, he was removed from all highest posts of the Kazakh SSR. From 1961 until 1975 (date of his retirement), he was the Deputy Chairman of the Executive Committee of the South Kazakhstan – Chimkent Regional Council. However, after 1999, many streets in numerous cities of Kazakhstan were named in his honor. In 2012, on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of his birth, the voluminous research ‘Zhumabek Tashenev’ was published due to contributions by scholars from the Institute of State History of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Republic of Kazakhstan; it was a full rehabilitation and a great tribute to his memory. In 2019, a mosque was built in his honor in Topar (Karaganda region), whereas in August 2021, a monument to him was unveiled in Nur-Sultan.
After the aforementioned thunderous meeting and until Nikita Khrushchev’s demise, Kazakhstan’s fate was in jeopardy. The fact that, despite the great investments made and the dispatch of Soviet Union’s best specialists, the Virgin Lands project did not bring forth the fabulous results that the Soviet leader expected made him very nervous. Even worse, the crop yield was rather falling every year. This situation angered Khrushchev enormously; it was then that he turned his eyes to the southern borders of the Kazakh SSR where new oil reserves had just been explored.
At a certain point, distrusting even the docile Ismail Yusupov, Khrushchev proposed the transfer of the oil-rich Mangyshlak peninsula (Полуостров Мангышлак) to Azerbaijan or the division of the region between the Azerbaijan SSR and the Turkmen SSR. If implemented, this absurdity would constitute a unique and unprecedented moment in the History of the Caspian Sea region, because never did a kingdom or any other state based on the Caspian Sea’s western coast control the eastern coastlands or a part of them. In other words, there was never a Caucasian kingdom or any other type of state (having its capital in the Caucasus region) that controlled any part of Central Asia, even the Caspian Sea’s eastern coastlands. Several inconsistent theories and silly arguments always accompanied Khrushchev’s unconditional biases against the Kazakhs; he was purportedly ‘sure’ that the leadership of the Kazakh SSR would not be able to engage in oil production and harvesting because, “historically, the Kazakhs are the nation that is best at animal husbandry”, which is of course nonsensical. With so childish ‘explanations’, he insisted on the need to transfer many industries to other republics. Finally, Khrushchev’s anti-Kazakh paroxysm generated significant reaction within the Politburo.
Mangyshlak peninsula
Many people believe that Alexei Nikolaevich Kosygin (1904-1980; Алексей Николаевич Косыгин), a discreet, highly intelligent, and greatly influential Soviet statesman {who may/might have been Alexei Nikolaevich Romanov (1904-1918; Алексей Николаевич Романов), the last czarevich of the Russian Empire, i.e. the only son of St. Nicholas II, according to some speculative theories} really saved the territorial integrity of the Kazakh SSR, because he was the only capable to lead the opposition to Khrushchev’s plans, supporting the Kazakh authorities and describing as unconvincing the arguments of the supporters of the transfer of the Mangyshlak peninsula to neighboring republics. Following a reaction of this scale, Khrushchev did not go ahead with this anti-Kazakh plan until October 1964, when he was removed from power.
Nevertheless, due to Ismail Yusupov’s docile attitude, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Kazakh SSR decided (on 26th January 1963) to transfer to the Uzbek SSR
a- the Kirov (Кировский район) and Pakhta-Aral (Пахта-Аральский район, currently known as Maktaaral District/Мактааральский район) regions and the Kyzylkum and Chimkurgan (Чимкурган) village councils of the Kyzylkum district of the Chimkent (Чимкент) region with a total area of 9560 km2,
b- pasture lands in the Chimkent region with a total area of 15440 km2, and
c- pasture lands of the Kyzyl-Orda region with a total area of 11500 km2 (these lands were in long-term use of the Uzbek SSR).
Subsequently, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Uzbek SSR issued an order “On the partial change of the border with the Kazakh SSR” (25th May 1963). Last, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR issued an order “On a partial change and an updated description of the republican borders between the Uzbek SSR and the Kazakh SSR” (19th September 1963). This meant that an area of 36630 km2 (i.e. larger than Belgium) was detached from the Kazakh SSR and assigned to the Uzbek SSR.
It is therefore easy to understand why everyone in Kazakhstan was happy with Nikita Khrushchev’s removal; actually, many different parts of the Kazakh Soviet establishment, from security forces to business executives, were cheerful. With Leonid Brezhnev in power, a better assessment of Kazakhstan’s prospects and opportunities was made, because he knew personally the Kazakh SSR as a whole quite well. As I have already said, he returned Dinmukhamed Kunaev to the top post of the SSR, canceled the Virgin lands project, and demonstrated a real interest in the Kazakh economy’s continued growth.
Kunaev with his brother Askar
However, it took years to return the grabbed territory back to the Kazakhs; on 11th May 1971, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Uzbek SSR issued an order “On the transfer of part of the territory of the Samarkand region of the Uzbek SSR to the Kazakh SSR”; and on the next day, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Kazakh SSR promulgated an order “On the inclusion of part of the territory of the Syrdarya region of the Uzbek SSR into the Kazakh SSR”. On 28th June 1971, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR proclaimed a decree “On a partial change in the border between the Uzbek SSR and the Kazakh SSR”, irrevocably returning the territories of the Kirov and Pakhta-Aral regions to the Kazakh SSR. According to Kunaev’s memoirs, he managed to return all three districts that were abducted back in 1963, with the exception of two state farms.
Kunaev with his brother Askar and Nursultan Nazarbayev (second from right)
d- The Jeltoqsan riots (1986): conspiracy theories and historical distortions diffused by Western academics and mass media
After his comeback to the position of the First Secretary of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan in December 1964, Dinmukhamed Kunaev ruled for 22 consecutive years, thus becoming the longest ruling Kazakh lord in centuries; his record was later surpassed by the founder of post-Soviet Kazakhstan, former president Nursultan Nazarbayev. The Kazakhs owe much to Kunaev, because he contributed greatly to the stabilization of the country, the development of the economy, the modernization of the Kazakh society, and the remarkable improvement of the Kazakh SSR in every sense – socio-cultural, academic, educational, intellectual, economic, and scientific.
With the implementation of the Kosygin reforms in the 1960s, the agrarian sector of the economy of Kazakhstan began to develop rapidly, and the Kazakh SSR turned out to be a vital territory for the Soviet production of industrial crops, such as sugar beet, cotton, and tobacco. It is during the Kunaev years that Kazakhstan became one of the three largest economies in the USSR, along with Russia and Ukraine. From 1970 to 1985, the volume of Mechanical Engineering and Chemical Industry tripled, and thanks to the discovery of new oil fields in the western part of the country, the republic became one of the major oil production centers in the USSR. According to the statistics of the Information and Analytical Center of Moscow State University, during Kunaev’s tenure, the productive potential of the Kazakh SSR grew by more than 700%; the volume of industry grew 9 times, of agriculture 6 times, and of capital construction 8 times.
The infrastructure of Kazakhstan and of the capital Almaty (Alma-Ata) developed rapidly in the 1960s and 1970s; the Central Republican Museum, the building of the National Library, the Koktobe TV tower, the House of Friendship, the Medeo sports complex, the House of Political Education, the new buildings of the Al-Farabi Kazakh National University (Казахский национальный университет имени аль-Фараби), the Monument of Glory in the park of 28 Panfilov guardsmen, several microdistricts, many other cultural and residential facilities, as well as a number of outstanding sanatoriums and big hotels were all built at the time of Kunaev.
For 22 years, Kunaev did much and could actually do everything; but he could never escape the absurd, unsystematic and catastrophic de-Brezhnevization, which was pursued as a panacea by the hopeless and confused M. Gorbachev, who thought that, by firing Brezhnev’s acolytes, he would rectify the various troubles that Soviet bureaucracy had generated and accumulated over the years. In fact, treacherous advisers led Gorbachev from mistake to mistake, and this situation ended up in the deliberately engineered collapse of Soviet Union without Gorbachev even understanding what he was doing. Many people today speak about the chaos of the Yeltsin years (1991-1999), which is surely correct, but at the same time, this narrative helps conceal the even worse havoc, namely that of the Gorbachev years (1985-1991). In today’s untrustworthy, irrelevant, and deeply fallacious, Western bibliography, Gorbachev’s ‘beatification’ is complemented with terrible historical distortions and numerous conspiracy theories that are incessantly reproduced by the Wikipedia, the Western mass media, and the nonsensical propagandists of the Western countries’ bogus-universities.
Brezhnev and Kunaev in 1976Kunaev in his last yearsKunaev’s book: From Stalin to GorbachevBrezhnev and Gorbachev
In this regard, about the end of Kunaev’s tenure, the Gennady Kolbin’s appointment (as Kunaev’s replacement), and the Jeltoqsan riots of 1986, an incredible conspiracy theory has been fabricated and diffused by the corrupt and shameless Western academics only to facilitate the task of the criminal Western diplomats, scandalous pseudo-intellectuals, and the mainstream media bogus-journalists to present the Jeltoqsan events as an inter-ethnic conflict and as an expression of anti-Russian, Kazakh national feelings. This preposterous story is entirely false, but at this point, it is worthwhile to examine closely how such vicious and insidious lies are being produced and diffused.
Dinmukhamed Kunaev’s heritage guaranteed a triumphant posterity for all times. Among today’s Kazakhs, more than 75% of the people have a positive opinion about him.
The Western conspiracy theory about Jeltoqsan involves the following four major points of a most disreputable narrative:
a) Kunaev’s prime minister (‘Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Kazakh SSR’) Nursultan Nazarbayev criticized personally the President of the Academy of Sciences Askar Kunaev (Dinmukhamed Kunaev’s brother) for “his inertia and anti-reformist credentials”;
b) this criticism caused the reaction of Dinmukhamed Kunaev, who -having appointed Nazarbayev as prime minister in 1984- felt betrayed and thus flied to Moscow in order to demand Nazarbayev’s dismissal personally from Gorbachev;
c) Gorbachev pressurized the Kazakh Communist leadership in order to dismiss Dinmukhamed Kunaev and his brother Askar Kunaev from their respective positions;
d) Gorbachev appointed Gennady Kolbin as First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Kazakh SSR, and because he was not a Kazakh ethnic, the supposedly inter-ethnic conflict of Jeltoqsan erupted.
This conspiracy theory can be found in the English Wikipedia, but it is absent from the Russian Wikipedia and the Kazakh Wikipedia, because Russians and Kazakhs would not believe a word of these ludicrous lies and they would consequently demand from their governments to permanently block the evil, perfidious and criminal site of Wikipedia. Where does the forgery diffused by the English Wikipedia come from?
In support of the aforementioned 4-point claim (and narrative), the English Wikipedia (in the entries about Dinmukhamed Kunaev and Nursultan Nazarbayev, but not in the entry concerning the Jeltoqsan riots) presents as reference (and bibliography) the fake PhD dissertation of an obscure and otherwise unknown ‘historian’ named Sally (Nikoline) Cummings. Who this person is we can learn in the site below: “Educator, editor, and author- Keele University, Staffordshire, England; temporary lecturer, 1995- University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, Scotland; temporary lecturer in politics, 1998-1999 & lecturer in politics, 1999-2003- St. Andrews University, St. Andrews, Scotland; lecturer in politics, 2003; held research posts with NATO and the European Union” https://www.encyclopedia.com/arts/educational-magazines/cummings-sally-nikoline
There was never a problem between Dinmukhamed Kunaev and Nursultan Nazarbayev.
In other words, this is a disreputable MI6 agent masqueraded as academic, who {instead of planning to kill statesmen like Slobodan Milosevic (which is the case of Nicholas Fishwick who was masqueraded as a ‘diplomat’)}, works systematically to kill the Truth, which is the essence of academic research, in order to diffuse the sick, paranoid and inhuman lies of the world’s most pathetic, most illegal, and most criminal state, i.e. England.
It is therefore high time to unveil the filthy lies of the morally defective, mentally incapacitated, and academically execrable, NATO staff member Sally (Nikoline) Cummings; going through her nonsensical diatribe, which was comfortably accepted as ‘PhD dissertation’ by England’s falsehood machines that are euphemistically called ‘universities’, one can easily realize the nature of this text. The ‘author’ merely collected diplomatic rumors, unreliable hearsay from various agents of NATO countries’ secret services, confessions made by duly bribed Kazakhs, undocumented claims, unsubstantiated arguments, wishful thinking, and irrelevantly collected bibliography to compose her fake PhD dissertation. What is even worse is the extreme dishonesty with which she shamelessly presents her forgery.
On p.75 of her trashy dissertation {“The Political Elite in Kazakhstan since Independence (1991-1998): Origins, Structure and Policies”}, the notorious forger Sally (Nikoline) Cummings writes:
“In his memoirs, Kunaev describes his role in the original appointment of Nazarbaev and his feeling of betrayal: “Igor Ligachev and I, we decided a number of cadre questions in the republic, in particular the promotion of Nursultan Nazarbaev to the post of Chairman of the Kazakh SSR Council of Ministers”.5 Shortly after this appointment, Kunaev flew to Moscow and demanded the removal of Nazarbaev. Meanwhile, supporters of Nazarbaev lobbied for Kunaev’s removal and his replacement by the young Chairman. Gorbachev, often preferring compromise, opted for neither, and instead parachuted in from Moscow an ethnic Russian, Gennadii Kolbin. The decision set off three days of rioting in Alma-Ata, between 16 and 18 December, 1986. These riots at the imposition of an outsider are often interpreted as the first major nationalist crack in the supranational Soviet edifice”.
Note 5 can be found on p. 115; it reads: “Dinmukhamed Kunaev, O Moem Vremeni (Alma-Ata: Deyir, 1992), p. 9”.
This is entirely inconsistent; Nazarbayev’s appointment as Chairman of Kazakh SSR Council of Ministers dates back to the time of Konstantin Chernenko; it had nothing to do with Gorbachev (22 March 1984: see above: part XVIII unit a). Even worse, in December 1986, Dinmukhamed Kunaev did not fly to Moscow in order to demand “the removal of Nazarbayev”, but to get Gorbachev’s agreement and approval of his resignation because of poor health. What is really embarrassing is the fact that the dishonest Sally (Nikoline) Cummings refers to Dinmukhamed Kunaev’s book that was published posthumously (‘О моем времени. От Сталина до Горбачева’ / ‘a mayom vremeni: at Stalina da Gorbachova’ / ‘About my time: From Stalin to Gorbachev’) only to misquote the book and cheat her readers who do not happen to read Russian. Kunaev did not write in his memoirs that he “demanded the removal of Nazarbaev”. This is a lie.
In his book, Kunaev states the following (the link is below, at the end of the unit):
“Выполняя поручения ЦК и Президиума Верховного Совета, выезжал в ряд социалистических и капиталистических стран, возглавлял партийные и парламентские делегации. Мне выпало большое счастье работать, встречаться, слушать видных деятелей нашей партии и государства, международного рабочего и коммунистического движения. Приходилось беседовать с крупными государственными и партийными деятелями капиталистических стран.
Хочу сразу сказать, что о масштабных изменениях в экономической, культурной жизни республики за указанный период невозможно рассказать в пределах данной книги.
Поэтому своей целью я поставил постараться рассказать о главных событиях, происшедших в жизни республики и страны в общей форме, не вдаваясь в описание отдельных подробностей. Еще хочу сказать, что я не писатель и не историк и моя работа не претендует на какое-то художественное повествование или историческую хронику.
Я решил систематизировать и обобщить свой более чем пятидесятилетний опыт партийной, государственной, хозяйственной и научной деятельности. Надеюсь, что мои записки напомнят моим товарищам и друзьям о нашей совместной работе, о незабываемом времени социалистического строительства в Казахстане. Память бережно хранит те переломные моменты, происшедшие в истории республики, которые определили и явились решающей базой ее дальнейшего развития.
У каждого политического деятеля наступает в жизни момент, когда он должен принять самое ответственное и, не скрою, очень трудное для себя решение: пора уходить в отставку.
Я не сомневался, что мое заявление об уходе на пенсию будет принято, и порукой тому было много разных и веских причин. О нюансах я расскажу, наверное, позже, но тогда, в декабре, мой Опыт подсказывал мне: нужно лететь в Москву и встретиться с М. С. Горбачевым.
И вот я в Москве. Остановился в гостинице «Казахстан», которая была, кстати, построена силами нашей республики рядом с Казахским представительством на Чистых прудах, напротив памятника Грибоедову и станции метро «Кировская». На следующее утро в Кунцевской больнице я проведал жену, Зухру Шариповну. Из больницы приехал на Старую площадь в ЦК и поднялся на пятый этаж, где находился кабинет Генерального секретаря ЦК КПСС. Я шел по знакомому коридору в хорошо известный мне кабинет Генсека. Здесь в свое время работал Хрущев, Брежнев, Андропов, Черненко. Было время, когда в этом кабинете Хрущев и Брежнев с моим участием принимали немало решений о помощи Казахстану, касающихся развития его экономики, культуры и науки. Вспомнилось, как в начале 1955 года Н. С. Хрущев благословлял меня здесь на должность Председателя Совета Министров Казахской ССР.
Но на этот раз я шел к Генсеку с личным вопросом. Горбачев встал из-за стола, как всегда во время наших встреч, тепло поздоровался. Затем мы сели за длинный стол, где обычно сидят присутствующие на совещаниях. После взаимных приветствий, не растягивая разговор, я положил ему на стол свое заявление. В заявлении было сказано, что ЦК КПСС вот уже несколько десятков лет оказывал Мне большое доверие, поручая весьма ответственную и почетную работу. За оказанное высокое доверие я выражаю свою сердечную благодарность ЦК, Политбюро и Генеральному секретарю, но в настоящее время мое здоровье и возраст не позволяют мне плодотворно трудиться на этом посту, поэтому прошу рассмотреть вопрос о моем уходе на пенсию.
Горбачев, на мой взгляд, к такому разговору был достаточно уже подготовлен и сказал, что он поддерживает мое предложение и заявление мое вынесет на рассмотрение Политбюро. Далее он сказал, что большая занятость не позволит ему принять участие в работе пленума ЦК КПК, а потому в Алма-Ату прибудет Разумовский.
Признаюсь, что в душе я надеялся, что Генсек спросит меня, кого бы я хотел рекомендовать на свое место. Он не спросил. Тогда я сам задал ему вопрос. Горбачев довольно сухо сказал: «Решение этого вопроса оставь нам. В республику будет рекомендован и направлен хороший коммунист».
Перед моим уходом он сказал, что обеспечит жильем в Москве. Я поблагодарил его за заботу и ответил, что не собираюсь никуда переезжать и буду жить в своем родном городе. Тепло прощаясь со мной, Горбачев сказал: «Будете в Москве, обязательно заходите». На том и расстались. Вечером я вылетел в Алма-Ату.
В кабинете, который я занимал в ЦК, собрал подаренные мне книги от писателей, деятелей науки и культуры и отправил их домой. Из Москвы никто не тревожил, да и в Алма-Ате, по всему чувствовалось, ждали перемен, и потому напряжение последних лет резко поубавилось. На заседание Политбюро меня не вызывали, но просьбу удовлетворили. После получения решения я собрал бюро ЦК КПК и сообщил товарищам об уходе на пенсию. От имени бюро выступил С. Мукашев и поблагодарил за совместную работу. Ну, а 16 декабря состоялся пленум ЦК. О его работе, его последствиях читатели узнают в одной из заключительных глав“.
A rough translation of the above excerpt reads:
“Fulfilling the instructions of the Central Committee and the Presidium of the Supreme Council, I traveled to a number of socialist and capitalist countries, headed party and parliamentary delegations. I had the great fortune to work, to meet, to listen to prominent figures of our party and state, of the international workers’ and communist movement. I had to talk with major state and party leaders of the capitalist countries.
I want to say right away that it is impossible to tell about large-scale changes in the economic and cultural life of the republic during the specified period within the limits of this book.
Therefore, I set as my goal to try to tell about the main events that took place in the life of the republic and the country in a general form, without going into a description of individual details. I also want to say that I am not a writer or a historian, and my work does not pretend to be some kind of artistic narrative or historical chronicle.
I decided to systematize and generalize my more than fifty years of experience in party, government, economic and scientific activities. I hope that my notes will remind my comrades and friends of our joint work, of the unforgettable time of socialist construction in Kazakhstan. The memory carefully preserves those turning points that occurred in the history of the republic, which determined and became the decisive basis for its further development.
Every political figure has a moment in his life when he must make the most responsible and, I will not hide, very difficult decision for himself: it’s time to resign.
I had no doubt that my application for retirement would be accepted, and there were many different and good reasons for this. I will probably tell about the nuances later, but then, in December, my experience told me: I need to fly to Moscow and meet with M. S. Gorbachev.
And here I am in Moscow. I stayed at the hotel “Kazakhstan”, which, by the way, was built by the forces of our republic next to the Kazakh representative office at Chistye Prudy, opposite the monument to Griboyedov and the metro station “Kirovskaya”. The next morning at the Kuntsevo hospital I visited my wife, Zukhra Sharipovna. From the hospital I came to Staraya Square to the Central Committee and went up to the fifth floor, where the office of the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU was located. I walked along the familiar corridor to the General Secretary’s office, well known to me. Khrushchev, Brezhnev, Andropov, Chernenko worked here at one time. There was a time when, in this cabinet, Khrushchev and Brezhnev, with my participation, made many decisions about helping Kazakhstan, concerning the development of its economy, culture and science. I remembered how at the beginning of 1955, N. S. Khrushchev blessed me here for the post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Kazakh SSR.
But this time I went to the General Secretary with a personal question. Gorbachev got up from the table, as he always did during our meetings, and greeted us warmly. We then sat down at the long table where those present at meetings usually sit. After mutual greetings, without dragging out the conversation, I put my statement on his desk. The statement said that for several decades now the Central Committee of the CPSU has given me great confidence, entrusting me with a very responsible and honorable job. For the high trust placed in me, I express my heartfelt gratitude to the Central Committee, the Politburo and the General Secretary, but at present my health and age do not allow me to work fruitfully in this post, so I ask you to consider my retirement.
Gorbachev, in my opinion, was already sufficiently prepared for such a conversation and said that he supported my proposal and that he would submit my application to the Politburo for consideration. Further, he said that, being very busy, he would not allow him to take part in the work of the plenum of the Kazakh Communist Party Central Committee, and therefore Razumovsky would arrive in Alma-Ata.
I confess that in my heart I hoped that the General Secretary would ask me whom I would like to recommend for my position. He didn’t ask. Then I asked him a question myself. Gorbachev said rather dryly: “Leave this issue to us. A good communist will be recommended and sent to the republic”.
Before I left, he said that he would provide housing in Moscow. I thanked him for his concern and replied that I was not going to move anywhere and would live in my hometown. Warmly saying goodbye to me, Gorbachev said: “If you are in Moscow, be sure to come”. On that we parted. In the evening I flew to Alma-Ata.
In the office that I occupied in the Central Committee, I collected the books presented to me from writers, scientists and cultural figures and sent them home. No one from Moscow disturbed, and in Alma-Ata, by all accounts, it was felt that they were waiting for changes, and therefore the tension of recent years has sharply decreased. I was not summoned to a meeting of the Politburo, but the request was granted. After receiving the decision, I called the bureau of the CCP Central Committee and informed my comrades about my retirement. S. Mukashev spoke on behalf of the bureau and thanked for the joint work. Well, on December 16, a plenum of the Central Committee was held. Readers will learn about his work, his consequences in one of the final chapters“.
This was the historical reality; there was no conspiracy; there was no animosity between Kunaev and Nazarbayev, and there was no inter-ethnic conflict in the December 1986 riots. And this can be easily understood, if we take into consideration the very numerous occasions on which Nazarbayev honored the memory of Kunaev. Today’s Kazakhstan is filled with streets, avenues, squares, institutes, colleges, academies named after Kunaev; this would have never been the case, had the West-masterminded conspiracy been true.
Kolbin was indeed a very good Soviet apparatchik; he was few years older than Gorbachev, he had served in Sverdlovsk (Second Secretary of the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the CPSU), in Georgia (Second Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party), and in Ulyanovsk (First Secretary of the Ulyanovsk Regional Committee of the CPSU), being Deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR (1971-1975), Deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (1979-1989), and Member of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (1987-1989); he was an experienced technocrat known for his commitment to infrastructure modernization. But for Kunaev’s position, he was the wrong choice – at least psychologically.
Snapshots from the Jeltoqsan events
The December 1986 events, which became known as Jeltoqsan, were in reality an explosion of the feelings of few radical students, who perceived Kunaev’s tenure in their own, wrong, inaccurate, and ‘nationalistic’ manner. Consequently, the appointment of Gennady Kolbin was an occasion for them and others to express their anger for the growing economic malaise, their fears for the unknown (as represented by Gorbachev’s erroneous choice), and their resentment of an eventual Russification (which did not take place). There were certainly several problems in the Kazakh society, and at the level of the local administration, in spite of several decades of implemented korenizatsiya, the Russian language was still at a more advantageous position than Kazakh. Russian was a mandatory requirement for all people willing to be appointed at the highest positions in the administration and the Communist Party of the Kazakh SSR; however, this did not apply in the case of the Kazakh language. This meant that, in the Kazakh SSR, local Russians could hold a leadership position without knowing Kazakh, but local Kazakhs could not hold a leadership position without speaking Russian. It is normal that ‘details’ like this count more than expected by the cool-minded bureaucrats and the rationalistic apparatchiks, who cannot feel the pulse of average people.
In fact, fear existed from both sides, but this is not enough to characterize the Jeltoqsan riots as inter-ethnic conflict. In fact, even among the top positions in the Kazakh SSR, Kazakh natives feared that any partisan attempt against what was described as Kazakh nationalism (which was viewed as a deviation by the standard communists) would be tantamount to (or excuse for) return to the Great Russian Imperialism; and Russian natives viewed things the other way round.
In fact, the existence of governmental plans providing for the prevention of ‘group violations of public order’, like План «Метель-1986» (Plan “Metel-1986”) which was prepared in 1985 by the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs, demonstrates that riots were expected in fact anywhere, not only in Alma-Ata (Almaty). The plan was surely implemented during the December 1986 riots (Jeltoqsan), but this shows that the reasons anticipated were basically economic and not inter-ethnic of nature.
There are several indications demonstrating that Kolbin’s appointment merely offered the opportunity that for a protracted period the protesting students were searching for; according to several testimonies, students started to agitate in the dormitories already on 14th December 1986, i.e. already two days before Kolbin’s appointment was announced. According to reports of other insiders, the banners that the students showed in the streets on 17th December 1986 were prepared several months in advance.
On the first day of the riots (16th December), the protesters were few, namely around 200 students; they shouted demanding the cancellation of Kolbin’s appointment. The governmental reaction was very fast indeed; the Ministry of Internal Affairs was immediately instructed to disperse the rally. Throughout the city, all telephone communications were turned off; the groups of students were dispersed by the police. Special Forces detachments from the Siberian military school were assembled, as well as cadets from the local border school.
On the second day, there were more protesters, more violence, banners with extremist demands, and grave deterioration. Nursultan Nazarbayev, along with other officials, spoke to the raging crowd, urging young people to return to their educational institutions and/or workplaces; this bold action unfortunately did not bring results, and -even worse- it was deliberately misinterpreted by few Western conspiracy theorists, who invented a plot as per which Nazarbayev had personally organized the riots (and in such case, he was the true leader of the protesters). When Gen. Vladimir Lobov (Владимир Николаевич Лобов; born in 1935), commander of the Central Asian Military District (and later Chief of the General Staff of the USSR), refused to involve the troops subordinate to him in the dispersal of youth, it became clear that several thousand soldiers had to be airlifted and transferred to Alma-Ata. The first units landed on the same day and attacked the protesters, dispersing them and cleaning the city.
On the same day, the state of emergency was declared in part of the territory of Kazakhstan, but it did not apply to Alma-Ata (Almaty); in the outskirts of the Kazakh capital, an operational camp was established with at least 50000 military personnel from parts of the Central Asia, Moscow, Leningrad (St. Petersburg), and other military districts, the navy, and internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs; this shows that the strength of the protesters was over-estimated by the Soviet authorities. As part of the state of emergency, all approaches to Aktau (the main harbor of the Kazakh SSR in the Caspian Sea) were blocked by the Caspian military flotilla of the Soviet Union.
On the night of December 17th, work teams were formed in factories and industrial plants in Alma-Ata; it was planned to use them on the next day in order to disperse the demonstrators.
On the third day (December 18th), the demonstrators were more numerous (perhaps around 20000 or 25000 students and youngsters), but the number of the participants was still insignificant, if we take into consideration the size of a city like Alma-Ata (ca. 1100000 inhabitants at the time). The security forces used the same tactics as on the previous day. Early in the morning, a limited number of policemen were visibly deployed. The protesters were thus entrapped and started clashing with the law enforcement agents; after few hours, the bulk of security forces entered the scene. Around 22:00 (10 pm) the city center was clear and there were no protesters in the streets. This was the end of the riots in Alma-Ata.
Controversial publications (Russkaya Mysl/ Русская мысль) published on the 18th December that “the demonstrators were handed out vodka, hashish and ‘nationalist’ leaflets from trucks”; this assertion, if true, would be an indication of serious foreign involvement, but it cannot be easily crosschecked and confirmed.
It was easy for the TASS (ТАСС) news agency to put the blame on ‘nationalist elements’; quite unfortunately, they did not understand that, by repeating their customary jargon, they simply offered venues to their enemies, i.e. the rascals of the Anglo-Saxon cholera. They failed to understand that the adjective ‘nationalist’ had totally different connotations in their ideological language and in the treacherous, mendacious and filthy language of the criminal diplomats of NATO and EU member states. TASS certainly stated the true nature of the extremist and radical students who were overwhelmingly rejected by the Kazakh society in its entirety: ‘hooligans’, ‘parasites’, ‘antisocial persons’. But the duplicitous news agencies of the Western simply disregarded these terms, did not mention any of them, and focused on the term ‘nationalist’, portraying these rascals as ‘patriots’.
On 18th December 1986, TASS reported the following: “Last night and this afternoon in Alma-Ata, a group of student youth, incited by nationalist elements, took to the streets, expressing disapproval of the decision of the recently held plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan. Hooligans, parasitic elements, and other antisocial persons took advantage of the current situation, thus carrying out illegal acts against law enforcement officers, setting fire to a grocery store and severl personal cars, and insulting the citizens of the city. Meetings held at plants, factories, universities, other labor collectives, as well as in the Communist Party and the Komsomol offices of the city and of the surrounding regions, approved the decisions of the plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan, condemned the unjustified actions of the group of students, and supported decisive measures against the hooligans in order to restore full order in the city. The actions taken in this direction are backed by the workers. They actively participate in the events held by the Soviet and party bodies. All the companies, institutions, educational institutions, shops, public services, and the public transport are working normally”.
The last phase of the Jeltoqsan riots took place in the northeastern Kazakh city of Karaganda. On the 19th December, when everything was calm in Alma-Ata, around 100 people gathered in Gagarin Square (Площадь Гагарина); from there they advanced to Sovetsky Avenue {: Советский проспект, which is currently named Buhar Zhyrau Avenue (проспект Бухар-Жырау), after the great Kazakh poet Bukhar-zhirau Kalmakanov, who lived in the 17th-18th c.} where they were soon dispersed or arrested by the police. On the 20th December, around 300 students gathered in the square near the Communist Party regional committee, but were soon scattered and apprehended by the Cadets of the school of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
In Karaganda, as it happened in Alma-Ata, several students were expelled from the universities or brought to criminal responsibility; in the capital of the Kazakh SSR, there were two dead (a policeman and a student). According to data published in Kazakhstan, more than 1700 people received serious bodily injuries; 99 people were convicted under criminal procedure and many among them were condemned to forced labor; two persons were sentenced to death, and among them the 20-year old student Qairat Ryskulbekov (Кайрат Ногайбаевич Рыскулбеков), who later died in prison only to be posthumously rehabilitated (1992) and also declared a Hero of Kazakhstan (by decree of Nursultan Nazarbayev; 9th December 1996). Furthermore, 8500 people were detained by law enforcement forces, whereas 5324 people were interrogated by the prosecutor’s office, and 850 people by the KGB. Around 900 people were subjected to administrative penalties (arrests, fines), 1400 people were warned, 319 people were dismissed, and 309 students were expelled from various educational institutions. About 1400 people received Komsomol and party penalties.
When it comes to USSR law enforcement agencies and their tactics at the time of perestroika, the Jeltoqsan riots were very useful for the Soviet administrative machine; they served as a pattern for all identical events. Similar tactics applied to every case that would be considered as of the same nature: first, the authorities did nothing for prevention and they allowed the events to grow; then they used only insignificant forces to suppress the protesters. They thus incited passions and then they applied rather severe measures. Over the years, this tactics failed, as they provenly contributed only to an even greater aggravation of the situation.
Imitating the aforementioned report of the TASS news agency, a resolution of the Central Committee of the CPSU, adopted in early 1987, described the Jeltoqsan riots as “a manifestation of Kazakh nationalism”. Gradually, the Communist jargon fell in desuetude and the derogatory references to nationalism became scarce. Following the appointment of Nazarbayev as First Secretary of the Communist Party (22nd June 1989), a group of deputies of the Supreme Soviet of the Kazakh SSR, headed by the writer Mukhtar Shakhanov (Мухтар Шаханов; born in 1942), applied (14th November 1989) to the Central Committee of the CPSU with a request to remove the wording “manifestation of Kazakh nationalism”, and the wording was canceled.
It was normal for the Soviet authorities back in 1987 to search for a scapegoat; the December 1986 events were therefore ‘interpreted’ as eventually masterminded by Kunaev or even spearheaded by his followers, and that is why Dinmukhamed Kunaev was removed from the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU; on 26th June 1987, he was also removed from the Central Committee of the CPSU. In a rather theatrical move, Gorbachev initiated an investigation against Kunaev and gave to Vladimir Kalinichenko (Владимир Иванович Калиниченко; born in 1947), the investigator for especially important cases of the USSR General Prosecutor’s Office, the task to find discrediting facts for bringing charges against Kunaev, but this was not possible. These developments played into the game of the Western mainstream media which flooded their uninformed, naive and unsuspicious readers with nonsensical distortions and misinterpretations. In addition, a defamation campaign against Kunaev was launched and he was under unofficial house arrest, which was canceled only in 1990 after the death of his wife Zukhra Sharipovna. But as I already stated, he was widely honored during his last years (1991-1993) and also posthumously.
Exactly five years after these events, on 16th December 1991, Kazakhstan declared its independence, being the last of the Soviet republics to do so. It was normal for the Kazakh statesmen, academics, politicians and intellectuals to contribute to their nation building and to the establishment of their national education by expanding extensively on the History of the Kazakh Nation, highlighting their cultural identity and underscoring every expression of their national integrity. That is why during the 31 years of their existence as a modern state, Kazakhs viewed in the Jeltoqsan riots a latent form of identitarian consciousness. It is within this context that, last December, President Kassym-Jomart Kemeluly Tokayev (Касым-Жомарт Кемелевич Токаев / Қасым-Жомарт Кемелұлы Тоқаев; born in 1953) stated (17th December 2021) the following: “35 years ago, our youth opposed the dictates of the union center. The protests of 1986 demonstrated the desire of the people for freedom and sovereignty. The heroism of the participants in the December events, which became a harbinger of Independence, is forever inscribed in the history of our statehood”. About:
a- The rise of Nursultan Nazarbayev, the greatest Turkic Statesman after Kemal Ataturk
If President Tokayev represents the present and the future of Kazakhstan, Nursultan Nazarbayev is the absolute and unique embodiment of the transition from the Kazakh SSR to the Republic of Kazakhstan. For almost four decades, Independent Kazakhstan’s first president determined almost every single important development that took place in the vast country. The formation of the first modern Kazakh state was not an easy task, as it hinged on many parameters. One must definitely admit that, compared with the other states in the wider region of Caucasus, Caspian Sea, and Central Asia, Kazakhstan effectively outperformed all the neighbors; the Central Asiatic ‘giant’ and Eurasia’s pivotal state, although incomparably less experienced than the Russian Federation in terms of academic, economic and diplomatic elites, state tradition, and imperial governance, eclipsed Moscow. This may eventually sound as an overstatement to some, but the historical truth is that Kazakhstan did not undergo the terribly humiliating decomposition and the existential threat that Yeltsin’s Russia faced in the 1990s.
In spite of several decades of Marxism-Leninism, the Kazakh hordes (or zhuz) survived as a crucial socio-behavioral element of the Kazakh society and played a determinant role in the transition period; to an important degree, they shaped the socio-economic and political developments. For example, investigaring the past and present realities of Kazakhstan, a specialist certainly finds it necessary to take into consideration that Nursultan Nazarbayev and his family belong to the Great Horde (which is also known as the Senior Zhuz/Uly Zhuz; see above part IV), and more specifically to the Shaprashty (Шапрашты) tribe. Among the Kazakhs, this tribe is considered as the richest and the most influential. At this point, one has to add that President Tokayev and his family also belong to the Great Horde, but to a different tribe, namely Zhalayir (Жалайыры), which is also associated with a great historical Mongolian tribe. Specialists of Kazakh History consider however Zhalayir as less influential than Shaprashty among the Kazakhs.
The three Kazakh hordes: the Great Horde (in the South-East), the Middle Horde (in the Center, the North and the North-East), and the Minor Horde (in the West)The divisions of the three hordes in tribes and clans
There is indeed a topographical / geographical factor of the Kazakh hordes, which is directly interconnected with present socioeconomic and political realities. As I stated in part IV, the Great Horde has been known as dwellers of Kazakhstan’s southern provinces, whereas the Middle Horde’s tribes and clans are the inhabitants of the vast Kazakh steppe; last, the Minor Horde occupied the country’s western confines. This historical situation has great consequences on present day issues. But, almost the only fertile lands in Kazakhstan are located in the South, which means that Kazakhs belonging to the Great Horde have traditionally had greater income than the others.
On the other hand, the transfer of capital from Almaty to Akmola-Astana-Nursultan was certainly a most remarkable step taken by former president Nazarbayev and the Supreme Council of the Republic on 6th July 1994; however, with the Kazakh elite overwhelmingly consisting of people of the Uly Zhuz, this major change also took the appearance of an interpolation. In a way, it meant that people of the Great Horde moved to the northernmost part of the Middle Horde’s territory, also bringing the government there. As a matter of fact, the official transfer of the capital took place on 10th December 1997, but the event was not particularly beneficial to the Orta (Middle) Zhuz.
It is also true that the vast lands of the Middle Zhuz were catastrophically misused during the Soviet times, because a significantly large area (18500 km2) around Semipalatinsk (Семипалатинск; currently Semey/ Семей) was selected to be and actually was for several decades the main nuclear test site across the USSR {also known as ‘Dvoika’ (двойка), i.e. ‘deuce’}. This means that shock waves, radiation and sizzling fires generated indeed enormous pollution throughout the country’s eastern territory where ca. two million people lived (mainly Kazakhs from the Middle Horde).
The dominant role played by the Great Horde in Kazakhstan’s economy and politics was reason for resentment by the Kazakhs of the Minor Horde whose ancestral lands encompass the oil-rich provinces of Western Kazakhstan. The Kishi (Minor) Zhuz find it quite unfair that natural resources located in their own traditional lands are more profitable to South Kazakhstan’s Uly Zhuz elites that govern the country than to themselves. These factors play always an important role, when discontent happens to be on the rise for some reason.
Nursultan Nazarbayev (Нурсултан Абишевич Назарбаев; Нұрсұлтан Әбішұлы Назарбаев), son of Alish (1903-1971) and Alzhan (1910-1977) Nazarbayev, was born on 6th July 1940 in the village of Chemolgan (Чемолган) of the Kaskelensky district (Каскеленский район), in the Alma-Ata region. After graduating in 1957 from the Abay Secondary School (in the city of Kaskelen/ Каскелен), he decided to become a metallurgist, because this sector was among the most promising ones during the Khrushchev period. After studying at the Vocational School no 22 at the Dnieper Metallurgical Plant in Dneprodzerzhinsk (Ukraine), he graduated in 1960 and he started working in the construction department of the Kazmetallurgstroy trust in the city of Temirtau (Kazakhstan); he continued at the Karaganda Metallurgical Plant and in 1967, he graduated from the VTUZ (ВТУЗ – Высшее техническое учебное заведение/ Higher technical educational institution) of the said plant. By that time, he had already been married (1962) and he had become the father of two daughters, namely Dariga (1963) and Dinara (1967); the last daughter of the couple, Aliya (the accent is on the last syllable), was born later (1980).
In parallel with his work and studies and after having been a Komsomol (Communist Party youth organization) member since 1962, he was involved in Komsomol work in Temirtau (1969-1973). Subsequently, he was elected as the secretary of the party committee at the Karaganda metallurgical plant (1973-1978); this meant that at the age of 33-38, he was -after the plant director- the no 2 authority in a vast state enterprise that employed more than 30000 workers. In 1978, he was appointed as secretary of the Karaganda regional party committee; one year later, he was elected (at the age of 38) secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan. His excellent communication skills, his consummate knowledge of technical and administrative matters, and his fast perception of rising problems were the reasons for which he was selected, although very young, by Dinmukhamed Kunaev for the position of ‘prime minister’ (Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Kazakh SSR) as early as 1984.
As a staunch supporter of M. Gorbachev, Nazarbayev remained in his position during Gennady Kolbin’s tenure, and in 1989, he was also appointed as First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan. During the crucial period 1989-1992, he was also elected People’s Deputy of the USSR. For about three months (February-April 1990), he was simultaneously Chairman of the Supreme Council of the Kazakh SSR. In addition, from 14th July 1990 to 23rd August 1991, he was Member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee. Nazarbayev was close to both, Gorbachev and Yeltsin, who in different moments offered him very top positions in the USSR, but he declined the offers. On 24th April 1990, the Supreme Council of the Kazakh SSR, in a groundbreaking attempt that could be interpreted as the first stage of secession, created the post of President of the Kazakh SSR, appointing Nazarbayev in the position.
Following the failed coup of 19th-22nd August 1991, at the Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan, Nazarbayev announced his withdrawal from the CPSU. Soon after, on 7th September 1991, the 18th Congress of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan decided to dissolve the party, but the ‘anti-Gorbachev’ group recreated the Communist Party of Kazakhstan in October 1991 (at the so-called 19th Congress of the party). Few months later, on 1st December 1991, in the first nationwide presidential election of the Kazakh SSR, Nazarbayev was the only candidate and got 98.7% of the votes.
At the apex of the transition events, the Kazakh SSR was renamed the Republic of Kazakhstan on 10th December 1991, thus practically becoming a fully independent state. Few days later, on 16th December 1991, the Supreme Council of the Kazakh SSR adopted the Law on State Independence of the Republic of Kazakhstan, which was the last SSR to become an independent state. Then automatically, Nursultan Nazarbayev became the first President of the Republic of Kazakhstan. In this quality, he signed the Alma-Ata Declaration (Алма-Атинская декларация), which constituted the founding declarations and principles of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), involving the Agreement on Councils of Heads of State and Government, the Agreement on Strategic Forces, and the Agreement on Armed Forces and Border Troops.
The Constitution of Kazakhstan was prepared in the second half of 1992 and adopted on 28th January 1993; although it was a matter of vivid debate and in the process, several opposition parties organized demonstrations, the text was mainly drafted by the ‘old Communist guard’ and that is why it resulted in a formidable executive power and rather weak legislative and judiciary branches, with the government being mainly accountable to the president. Being the last remnant of the old times, the Supreme Soviet voted to dissolve itself on the 10th December 1993. Nationwide parliamentary elections were held in March 1994, although few extremist parties, such as Jeltoqsan and Azat (financed by the notorious gangster George Soros’ outfits / the Soros-Kazakhstan foundation was launched in 1995), boycotted them. Since this repugnant rascal failed to elect his puppets in Kazakhstan’s parliament, the ludicrous OSCE observers attempted shamelessly to discredit the elections as ‘unfair’!
The government of the transition (from 16th December 1991 to 14th October 1994), led by Prime Minister Sergey Tereshchenko (Сергей Александрович Терещенко; of Ukrainian origin; born in 1951 in Primorye, Far Eastern Federal District), was indeed involved in numerous scandals, which -taking into consideration the circumstances- were almost inevitable. Following the mounting pressure during the summer 1994, Nazarbayev (after supporting him for some time) was finally obliged to dismiss him for a much poorer choice, namely Akezhan Kazhegeldin (Акежан Магжанович Кажегельдин; born in 1952 to parents belonging to the Middle Horde), who -after staying in power for three years (October 1994 – October 1997)- decided (or rather was incited by Western diplomats) to challenge Nazarbayev.
For this purpose, he was persistently supported by Western institutions amd mass media; following a systematic bribing of many Kazakh businessmen, Kazhegeldin was ‘voted’ (1998) president of the Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs. As his plot was uncovered, Kazhegeldin had to flee abroad, even more so because he was accused of extraordinary scandals and audacious embezzlement of public money; he tried to found a party and return to Kazakhstan in order to participate in the 1999 elections, but he was barred from entering the country and permanently banned to exile. It was also in the summer 1994 that Nazarbayev suggested the transfer of the capital city to Akmola (in Kazakhstan’s northernmost confines), which then was entirely rebuilt and renamed Astana (currently Nursultan).
As the corruption spread fast, in March 1995, the Constitutional Court ‘decided’ that the previous year’s parliementary elections were carried out in unlawful manner and should therefore be considered as unconstitutional. This was one of the earliest achievements of the Soros Kazakhstan Foundation. President Nazarbayev had to react fast, firmly and effectively; it was only normal that he promptly dissolved the Supreme Council and started ruling by means of presidential decrees. When enemies of the Kazakh historical tradition, national identity, and cultural integrity intend to bribe morally weak and politically dishonest persons, who do not anymore present and defend their free opinion and standpoint, but -as slaves- function disastrously for their entire nation and country, the form of state is neither republic nor kingdom, but thralldom.
On 29th April 1995, following the cancellation of the 1996 presidential elections by the Parliament (General Assembly), a special referendum was held in which the Kazakhs agreed with overwhelming majority (95.5%) to extend Nazarbayev’s presidential powers until 2000. After a few months, on 30th August 1995, the constitutional referendum was held and the new Constitution {providing for a bicameral system with the Mazhilis (мажилис; Lower House) and the Senate (Сенат парламента Казахстана; Upper House)} was adopted and supported by 90% of voters. It is noteworthy that Nazarbayev’s discourses and speeches of those days contained full evidence of documented knowledge of Western schemes, intrigues, biases, dissimulated plots, and efforts of infiltration; it is not by coincidence that he was recorded stating that “Western schemes do not work in our Eurasiatic expanses”.
Nazarbayev’s dismissal of Kazhegeldin was an early defeat of the obscure Western plotters and conniving businessmen; all the same, this did not mean that they were ‘convinced’ or that they stopped their efforts. As a matter of fact, the new Prime Minister appointed by Kazakhstan’s President was someone who had spent one year as intern student at Chevron (1993-1994); and this is the reason for which he was employed immediately after his return back home, as Minister of Oil and Gas (from October 1994 to March 1997): Nurlan Balgimbayev (Нурлан Утепович Балгимбаев / Нұрлан Өтепұлы Балғымбаев; 1947-2015). Minor Horde member and born in Atyrau (by the Caspian Sea shore at the mouth of Ural River), Balgimbayev was a loyal Prime Minister (1997-1999). He shared indeed with Nazarbayev many identical views; they managed to keep the country far from the notorious IMF and to increase the production of Kazakh Oil. However, he also supported very fervently the sale of 40% of Tengiz oilfields (later known as KazMunayGas / Казмунайгаз) to Chevron. Quite unfortunately, this story cost to Nazarbayev a bad reputation; conventionally known as the ‘Kazakhgate’, this affair had enormous ramifications.
The scandal concerned mainly the US businessman James Giffen (born in 1941), who -back in the 1990s- worked as advisor to the then president Nazarabayev, also having dual citizenship. Giffen had several ties with the USSR and had already tried to penetrate the Soviet Oil market in the 1980s, but at the end, he stood accused for an 80 million US$ bribery assumingly cashed to both, Nazarbayev and Prime Minister Nurlan Balgimbayev. The story started in 2003, when Giffen was arrested, but in the trial he stated that he was acting with the approval of the CIA, which however did not allow anyone to explore the related documentation; that’s why at the end, the adventurous businessman-spy was acquitted. All the same, the event would tarnish the image of the newly established independent state, and that is why the Kazakh authorities reacted officially, overwhelmingly denying all allegations.
To ensure stability and guarantee continuity in development, several amendments to the constitution were suggested and ratified on the 7th October 1998; following this development, Nazarbayev issued a decree fixing the presidential election date on 10th January 1999. An old Soviet apparatchik and pro-Communist statesman, who harshly criticized Nazarbayev’s shift to free market economy, stood against him: Serikbolsyn Abdildin (Серикболсын Абдильдаевич Абдильдин / Серікболсын Әбділдаұлы Әбділдин; 1937-2019). Nazarbayev was reelected with ca. 80% of the vote. Abdildin, who had held important ministerial and partisan positions in the USSR during the 1980s, used to see in every inadequacy, malfunction, failure and wrongdoing during the implementation of free market economy in Kazakhstan an opportunity for a Communist comeback. He started his opposition in 1994, and as early as 1996 he was elected First Secretary of the Communist Party. It is however noteworthy that he never allowed his opposition to become a matter of national ordeal and descent to chaos. In the 1999 presidential elections, he openly supported a mixed-economic system after the Chinese model, thus shifting from his earlier positions. All the same, after he retired from politics (2010), he continued his criticism of Nazarbayev.
A new political party was established as political platform for Nazarbayev; it was named Nur Otan {Нур Отан/ Нұр Отан, i.e. ‘Light of the Ancestors’; also known as Amanat (Аманат, i.e. ‘Ancestral Will’)}. Otan participated in the 1999 legislative elections (10 and 24 October 1999), won 23 seats in the parliament (out of 77), and proved to be ever since Kazakhstan’s central political force. An important change occurred few days before the elections; following Nurlan Balgimbayev’s resignation (1 October 1999), the former Minister of Foreign Affairs (1994-1999) Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, who had served as Deputy Prime Minister for 7 months (since March 1999), was appointed as Prime Minister by the President and endorsed (12 October 1999) by the Parliament. Notably, after the end of his tenure as prime minister (1 October 1999), Nurlan Balgimbayev continued to hold high positions, notably as president of state-owned Oil companies, CEO of joint ventures, and adviser to Nazarbayev.
Kassym-Jomart TokayevKassym-Jomart TokayevTokayev as Foreign Minister with Sergei Lavrov
With Tokayev’s appointment as Prime Minister, we are ushered into the present; this is not so because the incumbent President of Kazakhstan served continually as Prime Minister before being appointed first and then elected in his current position. He actually did not; after resigning from his position of Prime Minister (28 January 2002), Tokayev was appointed as Foreign Minister and State Secretary (2002-2007), Chairman of the Senate (2007-2011 and 2013-2019), and Under Secretary-General, Director-General of the United Nations Office at Geneva (2011-2013), thus acquiring a hitherto unknown to any Kazakh statesman experience. The same is also valid for Nazarbayev’s 2nd, 3rd, 4th and 5th terms; today, they still constitute an inalienable part of Kazakhstan’s present, not past. About:
b- Nursultan Nazarbayev: major achievements and oversights
Nazarbayev’s presidential tenure spans over almost 30 years (1990-2019; he was first elected as President of the SSR of Kazakhstan on 24th April 1990); when it comes to the Republic of Kazakhstan, his five terms proved to often be of different duration each (first term: 1991–1999; second term: 1999–2006; third term: 2006–2011; fourth term: 2011–2015; fifth term: 2015–2019). It goes without saying that Nazarbayev’s first term was the most critical one; this is so for various reasons and not only because, truly speaking, those were the formative years of the newly-established republic. First of all, a possible decomposition or disorder (as it happened in Yeltsin’s Russia) had to be averted; and Nazarbayev marked a real success in this regard. Even more importantly, he managed to outperform all the other formerly Soviet officials, who ensured the transition period in their respective states.
Second, an important vision for the future of the modern nation had to be invented and formulated; in addition, it had to be at the same time, daring and realistic. In this regard, the capital transfer and the construction of one of the world’s most dazzling cities was a very wise measure. With the transfer of capital from Almaty to Astana, Nazarbayev made a great shift in the History of the Kazakhs; it was for the first time that the capital of a major (and not tributary or peripheral) Kazakh state was located in the territory of the Middle Horde (see above, part IV). Consequently, this would offer the chance for social emancipation, tribal blending, mixed marriages, and enlargement of the social basis of the new establishment.
At the same time, with the futurist-symbolist architecture that the new capital so aesthetically and majestically featured, with the vicinity to Russian Siberia, with the cardinal significance of its geopolitical-geostrategic location, Astana is de facto the epicenter of the New Silk Road and the pinnacle of the New Multipolar World Order. Astana has nothing in common with modern commercial cities like Hong Kong, Shenzhen, Singapore, Dubai, Doha or Nairobi; surpassing what Istakhr, Rome, Antioch, Alexandria, Ctesiphon, Constantinople, Baghdad, Samarqand, Chang’an (Xi’an), Bukhara, Shiraz, Delhi, Khanbaliq (Beijing), Venice, Isfahan, Genoa and Istanbul may have been in the past, eclipsing what Tokyo, Washington D.C., Paris and London may be in the present, bridging Moscow, Berlin, Ankara and Tehran with Delhi and Beijing, Astana is by definition the correct place for the headquarters of the new international body that will replace the ill-conceived, encumbered and unrepresentative UN.
Astana is Nursultan Nazarbayev’s most outstanding achievement -not in the sense of an administrative act or an architectural masterpiece but- as a formidable effort to open the Kazakh nation to the rest of the world. Still this world class capital conceals ancient secrets, encapsulates paramount symbolism, and heralds a universal dream come true. Identifying analogies with Ancient Egyptian Arcitecture and Ancient Babylonian Mysteries, Dr. Frank Albo, in his remarkable presentation Astana – Architecture, Myth, and Destiny, provides an outstanding perspective on how the foundation of Kazakhstan’s new capital effectively addresses the three most important issues of our time: environmental pollution, religious extremism, and the proliferation of nuclear weapons.
Rightfully named after Independent Kazakhstan’s first President’s first name Nursultan (since 23 March 2019; Нурсултан – Нұр-Сұлтан), Astana is one of the world’s rare cities that have had so many different names throughout their History. Without counting the period of the remarkable Bozok settlement (12th-14th c.), a nearby archaeological place without epigraphic documentation, Astana has been successively named Akmolinsk (Акмолинск /’white grave’ in russified Kazakh; 1830-1961), Tselinograd (i.e. the city of the Virgin Lands/ Целиноград; 1961-1992), and Akmola (Акмола/’white grave’; 1992-1998), before becoming the capital city of Kazakhstan (on the 10th December 1997; Астана, i.e. ‘capital’) and being later renamed Nur-Sultan.
In this regard, the dates in the correct sequence were:
6 July 1994: the Supreme Council of Kazakhstan issued the decree “On the transfer of the capital of Kazakhstan”.
8 November 1997: the state symbols of Kazakhstan were delivered to Akmola.
10 December 1997: the Kazakh capital was moved to Akmola.
6 May 1998: Akmola was renamed into Astana, following a Presidential Decree.
10 June 1998: Astana was presented as the capital of Kazakhstan internationally.
16 July 1999: Astana was awarded the medal and title “City of Peace” by UNESCO.
In the competition for construction of Asia’s northernmost capital city, fifty (50) participants from foreign countries and Commonwealth of Independent States countries showed interest. In total, 40 applications were sent. Of these, nine were from Kazakhstan, five from Russia, three from the Czech Republic, two from Belarus, and one from Ukraine, Pakistan, Kyrgyzstan, Italy, and Bulgaria respectively. Teams sent one application from Japan, Latvia, Australia, Uzbekistan, Germany, France, South Korea, USA, Great Britain, Poland and the UAE.
The following task was set before the contest participants: “In search of the image of the new center of the city of Akmola, it is necessary to find a solution corresponding to the status of the capital of the Republic of Kazakhstan, taking into account natural and climatic factors and national peculiarities“. The winner of the competition was the project of the outstanding Japanese architect Kise Kurokawa (Kisho Kurokawa/see links below), who started the construction of the capital in the style of “Hi-tech”.
The new capital very organically blended into the vast expanses of the steppe space, thus embodying the philosophical concept of the Master Plan, as a symbiotic and metabolic city: “Synthesis of the old city of Akmola and new development of the capital of Astana“. Consummate commentators thoughtfully opined about the design that “the methodological inversion of such metabolic architects as Kendzo Tange and Kisyo Kurokawa is to call to realize that there are no ‘eternal cities’ and therefore it is necessary to concentrate on adapting to changes, and not to try to preserve the ‘eternal’ samples of urban planning stories”.
In spite of such outstanding and impressive achievements, several critics have repeatedly attempted to tarnish Nazarbayev’s tenure – but only in vain. It goes without saying that no human is perfect and all make mistakes. There were certainly some mistakes that could not be avoided in the formation years of the Republic of Kazakhstan, and this is so because, if these ‘errors’ did not occur, more catastrophic events could eventually take place. Taking into account the terms of good governance, one has to always keep in mind that sometimes a minor error is made deliberately – only to avoid a worse mistake. In addition, as it is said, “the experience which one gains in making a slight mistake will enable one to avoid a worse mistake”.
Several people raise the topic of NE Kazakhstan’s nuclear pollution, which still puts in jeopardy the life and the health of many people living in parts of the province of Semipalatinsk (currently Semey) and elsewhere. There was located the so-called Dvoika, USSR’s main nuclear test site. The first atomic explosion took place on 29th August 1949, whereas the last one occurred on 19th October 1989. For 40 years, 486 tests were carried out and 616 nuclear and thermonuclear charges were blown up; on the other hand, it is true that super-powerful explosions, like those carried out in Novaya Zemlya, did never become a matter of test in Semipalatinsk. All the same, one has to also take into consideration that no less than 224 explosions were officially registered as having caused radioactive clouds that went beyond the boundaries of the test site, throughout the eastern territory of Kazakhstan. The tests stopped, the test site was completely closed (1991), but the problem stays; and the various administrations did not do all that they could have over the past 33 years.
The troublesome governmental oversight in this regard has to do with the fact that, during the Soviet times, the area was said to be militarily controlled, but this was not the case. The Soviet state did not use the necessary resources to prevent anyone, who would risk his life by frequenting the radioactively polluted area, from entering the vast (18500 km2) nuclear test site; but this was the mistake of the Soviets. On the contrary, in Independent Kazakhstan, the enduring prevalence of the same mentality and attitude in this regard consisted in a serious disregard for the public health and in a grave governmental omission. Certainly, it would be costly to put barbed wire and construct military watchtowers around an area 600 km long in diameter; but this is what the health of the Kazakhs imposes.
The reason for which the entire area must be sealed off to all is purely socioeconomic; poor people make a business out of the radioactive waste, thus endangering their lives and those of many other people. They customarily drive their pick-up cars or trucks deep into this area and pour into the landfill; they extract mined non-ferrous metal from the metal scrap, they dig out launch shafts covered only with earth and they cut out all the available metal from them. In this rather macabre business, some entrepreneurs bring entire teams of hard workers who dig deep in the underground to cut metal there, while inhaling dangerous dust.
An entirely different dimension of the problem hinges on the totally unknown diffusion of this disastrous radioactive material: where it was transported, stored and remelted. The problem was first identified by the Kazakh government in 1997; some measures were taken, but it was very late. It is only in the period 2000-2010 that a huge amount of work was systematically carried out at the site for the conservation of galleries and the launch shafts, as well as for the disposal of hazardous waste and the decontamination of the territory.
Last, an even more appalling dimension of the problem is that, in spite of the evident danger, there are still some people living there; actually, they deliberately opted for that! As they failed to benefit from the shameful business, they made themselves available as local labor force always ready to saw out the metal in the adits dug there. It may sound as a crazy joke, but it is true: in the immediate vicinity of the landfill, there are about 600 small villages or hamlets, of which many are located on its border or even inside! To add insult to injury, the inhabitants of these settlements have been left to believe that it is ‘normal’ to graze their cattle directly on the landfill. Furthermore, there are even about a hundred nomadic winter quarters in the area.
According to various estimates, the territory of the Semipalatinsk test site has background radiation levels 10 times higher than normal; it is also reported that more than 30000 sheep and 5000 heads of milk-producing cattle are constantly grazing there. Even worse, local sources of water for drinking and household purposes are still in use, whereas vegetables and cereals are cultivated in the wider region. Last, around 8000 people still live in Kurchatov (Курчатов), a town formerly established as a secret Soviet city (variably named as Moscow-400, Semipalatinsk-21 or Terminal Station at the time) to accommodate the military and the scientists serving the test site. Surely Kazakhstan will still pay in the future the presence and function of Soviet Union’s main nuclear test site for 40 years on the NE confines of the country.
Another effort to tarnish Nazarbayev’s tenure has taken the form of constant accusations of nepotism; there has been a long discussion about this undeniable trait of the Nazarbayev years. However, throughout the vast existing documentation about nepotism in Kazakhstan, Nazarbayev’s family and its involvement in the socio-economic and political process, also including scandals, mysteries, plots, marriages, offshore businesses, unlawful behavior, and eventually illegal acts, it is difficult to draw a line and separate constructive criticism from vicous lies; it is harsh to discern where trustworthy judgement ends and pernicious propaganda starts out.
Viewing things retrospectively, one may come to the conclusion that nepotism was inevitable in the difficult transition years. Many historians, political scientists, and commentators fail to understand that, in reality, Kazakhstan’s 1990s correspond to Russia’s 2000s – not Russia’s 1990s. As I have already pointed out, thanks to the experience, the foresightedness and the dexterity of Independent Kazakhstan’s first president, the country did not undergo the traumatic experience that Russians encountered in the 1990s. In this regard, nepotism served Nazarbayev in the 1990s as much as Putin’s alliance with the Russian oligarchs served the Russian President in the early 2000s. There were certainly several negative side-effects, but one must also discern that, perhaps without those early stages of Kazakh nepotism, things could have gone out of control at the time and corruption could have permeated nearly every aspect of life and every social stratum in Kazakhstan.
For the largest part of the population, it was a period of delusion during which everyone ran after money, whereas many naïve people believed that the mere shift of the national economic setup from a centrally-planned system to a market-based one would make all the people rich. That is why all those austere, self-styled connoiseurs and arbiters, who so eloquently denounce nepotism in Nazarbayev’s Kazakhstan, have to imperatively respond to the following question:
– What difference at this point does it make whether a relative of the president or a simple employee of a ministry is bribed?
In terms of impartial and fair judgment, it is actually better that the relative of the president is the recipient of the bribe, because in this case, the establishment and the president will surely be aware of the foreign lobbies, governments and organizations that intend to destroy and dismantle the country by means of infiltration, corruption, and subversion (and they are therefore able to prevent this development), whereas in the case of an average local public servant’s or businessman’s bribery, the pernicious Western (Western European or North American) infiltration attempts go often undetected; in fact, the second occasion is the worst case scenario.
There are two realistic remarks one can make as far as nepotism in Nazarbayev’s Kazakhstan is concerned; first, the real problem is not that nepotism existed in the 1990s, but that it became totally unrestrained in the 2000s. In fact, during the 1990s, the entire world was geostrategically unstable and unbalanced; but after August 1999, the crucial developments that took place in Russia offered Kazakhstan a very important, reliable and trustworthy -although at times encumbering- friend and ally: President Putin.
For Kazakhstan, it is of paramount importance to know that stability prevails in the country with which Central Asia’s pivot shares the longest continuous international border in the world and the second longest by total length, after the Canada–United States border. In fact, the rise of Putin in Russia was a blessing for Kazakhstan, and this is so because this occurred at a moment China did not weigh much in the world affairs. This means that Kazakhstan could not rely on China in the 1990s as much as it can now, balancing between the main two Euro-Asiatic powerhouses. This highly positive change means that Nazarabayev found himself -in the mddle 2000s- in a different environment, which could offer him the chance to ponder over different ways to curb nepotism; and this is what one could certainly reproach him for not doing.
An even more important event took place in 2001 with only positive repercussions on Kazakhstan: the establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), with China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan founding a new organisation with deep, mutual security, military, socio-economic, cultural, educational and political cooperation targets on 15th June 2001. This development, viewed retrospectively, was truly the historically most important fact of the year; it was a spectacular reset of the organization Shanghai Five (in which Uzbekistan did not participate), which was launched earlier, in 1996. The SCO Charter was signed on 7th July 2002 (entering in force on 19th September 2003). This crucial event fully demonstrates that Nursultan Nazarbayev always perceived correctly and effectively the chances of Kazakhstan’s further improvement and geopolitical-geostrategic upgrade as always depending on the rise and worldwide preponderance of the wider Afro-Eurasiatic landmass.
Шанхайская организация сотрудничества -上海合作組織 – Shanghai Cooperation Organization This is how the SCO started.And this is how it is. This handout picture released by the Russian Foreign Minister on July 14, 2021 shows (L-R) Tajikistan’s Foreign Minister Sirojiddin Muhriddin, SCO Secretary General Vladimir Norov, Pakistani Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi, Uzbekistan’s Foreign Minister Abdulaziz Kamilov, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, Tajikistan’s President Emomali Rahmon, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, Kazakhstan’s Foreign Minister Mukhtar Tleuberdi, Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, Kyrgyzstan’s deputy Foreign Minister Nuran Niyazaliyev and Director of the Executive Committee of the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) of the SCO Jumakhon Giyosov posing for a picture during a Shanghai Cooperation Organisation meeting in Dushanbe. Iran in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization About: http://eng.sectsco.org/ https://www.academia.edu/53029736/From_the_Great_Game_to_the_Final_Game_Iran_Full_Member_State_of_the_SCO_as_the_Greatest_Event_of_the_21st_Century_text_pictures_and_legends_ https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202109/1234399.shtml
On the face of these developments, one can understand to what reason Nazarbayev’s oversight is due; he most probably did not bother to restrict nepotism and limit the negative side-effects, because the system -generally speaking- was rather functioning profitably, and the various cases of apparent dysfunction seemed easy to address. When the weaknesses of the system were exposed, all the Kazakh came to learn in January 2022 about the former premier (2007-2012 – 2014-2016), former chief of staff of the presidential office (2012-2014) and then acting head of Kazakhstan’s National Security Committee (since 2016) Karim Massimov (born to a family of ethnic Uighurs in 1965; Кәрім Қажымқанұлы Мәсімов / Карим Кажимканович Масимов) that he was a dishonest enemy of the Kazakh nation, a shameless agent of the Jesuit-Zionist US establishment, and a criminal traitor. Then, President Tokayev took the proper measures to address the issue at all levels, namely a) the termination of the riots and the restoration of the public order, b) the correct identification and the well-deserved punishment of the connivers, and c) the elimination of the root causes which offered to Western diplomats, lobbies, and secret services’ agents, as well as to their local stooges the chance to prepare their schemes and kick off the stage-managed unrest.
It is perhaps inappropriate for a historian to offer a long-term perspective to an event that took place before just 6-7 months, but I will now venture a prediction in this regard; the evil enemies of Kazakhstan, by launching their well-scheduled scheme against the greatest nation of Central Asia, offered President Tokayev a wonderful opportunity to hit two targets with one arrow, namely to address current issues, after the restoration of the order, and to solve chronic problems, i.e. the truly exorbitant nepotism that had grown up over the past three decades. Kazakhstan’s courageous and determined President proved to be very successful in this regard.
All the same, older Kazakhs were able to then remember that, the previous time Kazakhstan had embarrassing troubles, it was again with a Uighur statesman, namely Ismail Yusupov (1962-1964; see above part XVIII unit c).
It is however worthwhile to add here that, after 27 years in leading positions (Prime Minister already in 1984) Nazarbayev failed indeed to timely realize the true, deep meaning of the Mangystau protests in 2011. The facts that followed the strike of some workers in the Ozenmunaigas (Озенмунайгаз/Өзенмұнайгаз) Oil field in the city of Zhanaozen (Жанаозен/Жаңаөзен) in the Western Kazakh region of Mangystau (Мангистау/Маңғыстау) should have been more accurately perceived, thoroughly investigated, and duly comprehended by the Nazarbayev administration (at the very beginning the president’s fourth term); it was a meaningful coincidence. Only few months after Nazarbayev triumphant reelection (3rd April 2011), when Tokayev was not in Kazakhstan but in Geneva (Director-General of the U.N. Office) and Massimov was still prime minister, few hundreds of workers protested (16th-17th December 2011) demanding unpaid hazard pay, better working conditions, and salary increase. How dangerous could this situation have possibly been for the country’s national security and the stability of the establishment? And yet someone sent policemen who without any reason killed around 15 peaceful workers. If you don’t straightforwardly call this absurd act ‘sheer stage-management’, where do you think you are going to attend the Theatre of the Absurd?
The second realistic remark one can make with respect to nepotism in Nazarbayev’s Kazakhstan has to do with the very identity of the critics, the detractors and the adamant defenders of the so-called ‘Western values’, who incessantly accused Nazarbayev of nepotism; one can shape an accurate and comprehensive opinion, if one spends some time to go through the voluminous literature that filthy Western money produced and circulated worldwide in order to systematically promote premeditated conclusions, biased approaches, bogus researches, historical distortions, systematic disregard of cultural realities, disrespect of every nation’s right to self-determination, intentional lies, methodic denigration of targeted statesmen, misinterpretation of all the facts, and falsification of every single incident.
The anti-Kazakh hysteria of numerous leading institutions of Western countries is paradigmatically revealed in the following nine cases; everything you can read in the links below is a sophisticated lie that serves an evil purpose:
One could set up the Complete Encyclopedia of Western anti-Kazakh Defamation in one hundred volumes of 1000 pages each; however, the refutation of this excremental production is unnecessary, because similar material has also been produced against all the allies of Kazakhstan, namely Russia, China, Uzbekistan, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Pakistan, India, etc. Every nation, every country and every state that is not as corrupt, as villainous, as devious, as criminal and as deranged as the leading states of the West gets denigrated in extremis. Then, all that matters in this regard is good and effective insulation against Western infiltrators, embassies, consulates, NGOs, institutes, foundations, so-called ‘think-tanks’ (i.e. ‘jerk tanks’), and any other insidiously instrumental organization.
– So, after all, who are these critics of nepotism in Nazarbayev’s Kazakhstan and adamant defenders of the so-called ‘Western values’?
– Most of those shameful service providers, bogus journalists, pseudo-intellectuals, and disreputable academics happen to be the good friends, the trusted associates, the fine partners, and the secret colleagues of those Western diplomats, agents, businessmen and other potentates who constantly met with, and tried to corrupt, members of Nazarbayev’s larger circle of family.
There is no such thing as good-will criticism or good intentions critique in the West; everything is adjusted to the criminal and murderous agenda of world dominance and the plan providing for the enslavement of all humans in the immoral, inhuman and evil Western World Order. The sole conclusion is therefore that, during the Nazarbayev years, the only true ‘mistake’ made was the tolerant attitude toward the Western infiltrators and the naivety towards their intentions. Part of the murderous agenda of the racist West is the diffusion of a fake historical dogma that depicts the West as ‘civilized’ and the rest of the world as ‘barbarian’, ‘ignorant’, ‘backward’, ‘imbecile’ or even ‘bestial’. The disreputable universities of Western Europe and North America promote historical forgery and systematic falsification against Asia, Africa and Latin America; the mass media denigrate Central, South and Southeast Asia, whereas the cinema industry shamelessly ridicules other cultures and nations.
When it comes to Kazakhs, the disreputable Borat TV serial (Borat’s Television Programme; English television station Channel 4, aired in August 2004 and repeated in November 2006) and the subsequent movie (Borat: Cultural Learnings of America for Make Benefit Glorious Nation of Kazakhstan; a mockumentary black comedy film directed by Larry Charles and starring Sacha Baron Cohen), which was released in 2006, should have been considered very seriously as authentic examples of the Western perception of Kazakhstan and then conclusively identified as a paroxysm of the Western anti-Kazakh racism. Even more so because this ridiculous caricature of character that the Western cinema and television industry preposterously presented as a Kazakh has an absolutely impossible Kazakh name: Borat Margaret Sagdiyev (Борат Маргарет Сагдиев); a matronym (Margaret) is a shame, because it means that the person’s mother was a prostitute.
Shamelessly, the English version of Neo-Nazi Wikipedia does not use the proper term ‘reactions’, but the Satanic substitute ‘reception’, which is a lie. The movie was not ‘received’ but rejected in Kazakhstan and throughout the civilized world of which the West failed to become a part.
From Borat 2The filthy Ashkenazi Khazarian bogus-Jewish Zionist paranoia unleashed again the Kazakhs, their traditions, cultural heritage, and heroic nature; the most disreputable, sick and evil plan of misrepresentation and defamation of a civilized country and nation by the Anglo-Saxon syphilis of the small and big screens. Repugnantly rotten, execrably heinous (due to their acknowledged inferiority) and racist, the Anglo-Saxon and Ashkenazi minds devised a nonsensical story of a supposedly ignorant and rural, old-fashioned and naïve Kazakh, who travels to America to seemingly discover the ‘benefits’ of the mentally defective and criminal indigenous people who think they can live without God, faith, religion and moral, being based on their bogus-science and the sexual anomalies of their schools, universities, and lawless administration. From: https://www.kino-teatr.ru/kino/art/pr/5781/ https://www.filmaffinity.com/us/movieimage.php?imageId=646125040
Certainly, there were many correct initial reactions from the entire Kazakh society, but the disastrous willingness of part of Kazakhstan’s establishment to ‘close the affair’ fast did not bode well for the interests of the country; it was an impermissible compromise which only emboldened the enemies of the Kazakh nation. Countries that compromise on such issues are states that are customarily exposed to stage-managed events like the Mangystau protests in 2011 and the January 2022 riots in Almaty. The reason for this conclusion is the fact that a nationally uncompromising stance and the subsequent massive close down of NGOs and institutes associated with countries tolerating anti-Kazakh propaganda would make it far more difficult for Western embassies’, NGOs’ and secret services’ stooges (like Massimov) to act unrestrained. The correct official response in this case should be an enduring severance of diplomatic and consular relations with many Western countries.
Another example of Western (mainly Anglo-Saxon) contempt addressed to all the states of Central Asia, and not only Kazakhstan, is the derogatory collective term “the stans” for Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, as well as for Afghanistan and Pakistan. Indicatively:
Some people start realizing that the use of the racist, pejorative term must stop being used, but it would be wiser that the concerned states, supported by China, India, Russia, Iran and other countries, issue an ultimatum before severing ties with the Western world.
In fact, what is concealed behind the viciously discriminatory term “the -stans”, which has been introduced by the mentally defective, racist, Anglo-Saxon and Zionist parasites, is the fragmentation of Asia (Russia, China, India, Iran, Turkey, etc.) into a multitude of petty pseudo-states (like Afghanistan or ‘Kurdistan’) engulfed into endless wars for the benefit of the aforementioned inhuman and criminal parasites that must be soon annihilated for the benefit of the entire mankind. About: https://www.kickassfacts.com/legend-of-the-stans/ https://brilliantmaps.com/united-states-stan/
In fact, the Western countries must come to terms with the fact that Kazakhstan did not become independent from the USSR in order to be enslaved by Western states or accept their paranoid dictates. Kazakhstan will not accept the inhuman hysteria of the so-called ‘woke ideology’, the absurdity of homosexual marriages, the Western moral deviance and socio-behavioral collapse. In this regard, Nur-sultan is at the same wavelength with Beijing, Delhi, Moscow, Ankara, Tehran, Karachi, Tashkent and numerous other Asiatic and African capitals that remain healthy and unaffected by the Jesuit-Zionist contamination of the West.
It will take years to uncover the true extent of nepotism in Kazakhstan; I am not quite sure that this will solve the major problems of the Kazakh economy. It is not certain that any state free of nepotism can also escape from corruption. One has therefore to pinpoint that the problem is not whether Dariga Nursultanovna Nazarbayeva (born in 1963; Дарига Нурсултановна Назарбаева/Дариға Нұрсұлтанқызы Назарбаева), Dinara Nursultanovna Kulibaeva (born in 1967; Динара Нурсултановна Кулибаева/Динара Нұрсұлтанқызы Құлыбаева) and Aliya Nursultanovna Nazarbayeva (born in 1980; Алия Нурсултановна Назарбаева/ Әлия Нұрсұлтанқызы Назарбаева) with their respective husbands have accumulated an enormous number of companies and wealth. No one can guarantee that, if all these companies were to be managed by totally unrelated CEOs and directed by fully independent boards of directions, corruption in Kazakhstan would disappear and the productivity would increase.
Nepotism, corruption and wealth concentration are only parts of Kazakh economy’s problems; one can even describe them as rather peripheral. The country needs a real restructuring of the economy; in this regard, it will be essential for the country to duly leverage its economic potential in order to transform the structure of the economy. Job creation should not be concentrated in low-productivity nontradable services sectors. State-owned enterprises still dominate the economy; this cannot continue. When it comes to economic models, Kazakhstan is nowadays in a far better position than in 1991 or 2001. It is clear that Nur-sultan must follow Beijing’s successful model and has to attract a higher volume of foreign direct investment (FDI); in joint ventures with Chinese and Indian businesses, Kazakh companies will be able to better integrate into the regional and wider Asiatic markets. Furthermore, trade relationships outside Central Asia should be actively established and further expanded, notably in South and Southeast Asia. Also, Kazakhstan has to invest more in educational development, technical skills upgrade, human capital enhancement, and poverty reduction, thus enlarging the middle class share of the population.
Last, the Kazakh administration and elite must show increased ecological sensitivity in the planning process of economic restructuring; the terrible occurrences that every now and then have been attested in Kazakhstan bear witness to the urgent need of an enormous, social and governmental, task to improve the environmental conditions of the country. One example of such occurrences is the infernal environment in which the inhabitants of Temirtau (180 km SE of Nur-sultan; Темиртау/Теміртау) found themselves on 13th February 2018, in the aftermath of a strong snowfall. Within few hours, a nightmarish coating of black dust settled on the snow, turning it from white to dark gray. It was dangerous to live and impossible to enjoy life there; having had a so long and so glorious past, the Kazakhs do not deserve these conditions of physical existence.
And this is what the paranoid, racist and extremist Australian rascals wrote about Astana, feeling rancor and hysteria, as their otherwise useless city of Sidney was sidestepped by Astana:
Three centuries of Kazakh-Russian alliance will soon be celebrated, ever since Abul Khair Khan (Хан Абулхаир/ ميرزا أبو الخير محمد خان بن حاجي عبد الله سلطان/Әбілқайыр Мұхаммед Қазы баһадүр хан; also known as ‘Shah-i Turan, i.e. Emperor of Turan) dispatched a letter to the Russian Empress Anna Ioannovna (Анна Иоанновна) to ask her protection against the Dzungars. History is not only what happened (i.e. the past); History is also how you perceive the facts and what wisdom you make of your past. About: https://atamekenmap.kz/en/2018/01/04/spirit-of-the-great-abul-khair-khan/ https://www.studocu.com/row/document/nazarbaev-universiteti/history-of-kazakhstan/submission-of-abul-khayr-khan-to-the-russian-empire/18334514 https://web.archive.org/web/20060222230414/http://www.kazakhstanembassy.be/DisplayPage.asp?PageId=98From 19th c. huts to 21st c. cities, the Kazakh Nation crossed a greatly difficult path.TarasAralskThe multi-religious, multicultural, secular character of the Kazakh Nation will not be challenged by evil ideologies and pseudo-theological systems composed -under MI6 supervision and guidance- by ignorant Muslim sheikhs falsely educated in England: The Mosque of Zharkent (Жаркент) built after the Chinese Islamic architectural style Ahmed Yasavi Mosque in Turkestan: built by Timur (Tamerlane) in honor of the greatest mystic of Central Asia and TuranThe Shymkent (Шымкент) Monument of the legendary Kazakh Baidibek Karashauly (Байдибек Карашаулы), who lived in the 14th-15th c.; without their heroic khans, their legendary fighters, their traditions, values and virtues, the Kazakhs will surely disintegrate and look like all the rotten and useless nations of the West.
Postface
The History of Kazakhstan, as material for education, topic for research, and effort of reconstitution, is not identical with the Kazakh History, i.e. the past of the Kazakhs. The facts and the processes of intellectual, cultural, military and royal assertion are the result of their constituent elements, i.e. the Kazakhs of all three hordes and their royal, spiritual and military leadership throughout the ages. How today’s Kazakhs will use the wealth of their National Heritage and how they will continue respecting, preserving and cherishing the values of the Kazakh Genius is a matter of accurate perception, comprehensive conceptualization, exhaustive contextualization and ultimate reconstruction.
This topic has been studied to some extent; in his ‘Rehabilitation of the Basmachi – a form of the national liberation movement’ (Реабилитация басмачества-форма национально-освободительного движения), V. Levitsky (В. Левицкий) writes (in the chapter ‘Rehabilitation of the Basmachi in the Central Asian states: ideological conjuncture and political realities’/’Реабилитация басмачества в центральноазиатских государствах: идеологическая конъюнктура и политические реалии’) the following (the English translation is mine):
“It seems that the modern elites of Kazakhstan, striving to implement the project of national modernization and maintain ties with Russia, hardly need the rehabilitation of the Basmachi as an additional basis for the “state project”. For the rehabilitation of the Basmachi is unlikely to contribute to the strengthening of interethnic peace and harmony, which is so necessary for the country today. On the contrary, the ‘spirits of the past’, being invoked today, are unlikely to help the movement into the future”.
Very important remark from an astute scholar, and -at the same time- very correct choice for the Kazakh academic, intellectual and political establishment! Kazakhstan does not need today the Basmachi turmoil (see above: part XV) nor the Enver Pasha’s paranoia. The Ottoman Empire is irrevocably defunct and the Committee of Union and Progress (İttihad ve Terakki Cemiyeti/Единение и прогресс/Бірлік және прогресс комитеті) is invariably obsolete. But the Jadid intellectuals (Жәдидшілдік) and their foresightedness have always been prevalent among the Kazakhs.
Great nations disappeared from History when they lost the vision that their creative forces pulled together; that is why it is of critical importance that the Kazakh elites, academics, intellectuals and statesmen alike, see the past of their nation is its entirety and perceive the value of their land in its true dimensions. If the Kazakh National Heritage is disregarded for the sake of ideological chimeras or theological delusions of ignorant sheikhs, the Kazakhs will have denied their own identity. Then, it will not take long until Kazakhstan becomes the next Afghanistan; this is exactly what Kazakhstan’s worst enemies, i.e. England, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the US, plan to bring about (not only in Kazakhstan but in many other countries of the region). This is necessary in their struggle for survival. It is however clear that not a single Kazakh finds the need to destroy his fatherland for the sake of the colonial powers which caused disasters, wars and genocides all over the world, having always been at the antipodes of civilization.
Melting pot of Tengrism, Shamanism, Zoroastrianism, Buddhism, Manichaeism, Nestorian Christianity and Islam, passageway for merchants, mystics, conquerors, erudite scholars and interminable nomads, the Land of Kazakhstan brought together China and Iran, Mongolia and India, Germany and Tibet, Russia and the Pamirs. For two millennia located at the epicenter of the Silk Roads, for many centuries situated at the crossroads of conquerors, for several decades accepted as the litmus paper for the test of all Soviet leaders, Kazakhstan is by definition Oriental, multicultural and secular.
Land of tolerance and integrity and not of religious sectarianism, territory of compassion and bravery, and homeland to great Jadid intellectuals like Khalil Dosmukhamedov, Salimgirey Seidkhanovich Dzhantyurin, Saken Seifullin and Zhahansha Dosmukhamedov, Kazakhstan is at the same time a miniature of the vastness and an expanse of the yurt. By selecting the proper elements from their past, by forging the correct strategic alliances for their future, by eliminating all destabilizing forces, dogmas and theories, and by closing down all channels of insidious infiltration, today’s Kazakhs have all that it takes to fully justify former President Nazarbayev’s vision, validate President Tokayev’s aspirations, and bring to the world a hitherto missing example: the Kazakh magnanimity.
– Is that too much for today’s Kazakhs?
– I don’t think so; ‘magnanimity’ in Kazakh is ‘жомарттық’ (jomartik).
And the Kazakh President’s personal name is ‘ Жомарт’, i.e. ‘magnanimous’ or ‘generous’ (Jomart; Kassym-Jomart Tokayev/ Касым-Жомарт Токаев).
This means that he is the correct man in the correct place; in the correct moment.
Quod erat demonstrandum!
About:
И. А. Носков & А. М. Маратова, Духовно-творческое наследие Абая Кунанбаева и развитие академической мобильности студенческой молодежи республики казахстан
Shoqan Walikhan remains the best embodiment of the transcendental Kazakh and the permanent example of reference, when it comes to Kazakh identity, history, ethnography, Orinetalism and governance; his conscious commitment to Kazakh-Russian synergy and unshakable alliance did not bring to him the reciprocal spiritual love of Fyodor Dostoyesvky, but it also placed him in the firmament of the Kazakh national integrity and cultural self-awareness.
In striking contrast with several Kazakh academics, who are nowadays manipulated, cheated or bribed by vicious Western propaganda outfits, like the infamous Oxus Society, Valikhanov understood very well the evil nature of the Anglo-Saxon bogus-academic ‘interest’ for Asia and, more particularly, Central Asia. Shokan Shyngysuly Valikhanov (1845-1865; Чокан Чингисович Валиханов/ Шоқан Шыңғысұлы Уәлихан; born Muhammed Qanafiya / Мұхаммед-Қанафия / Shokan was initially his pen name before it became official) wrote extensively highlighting the Tengrist-Shamanist roots and nature of the Kazakh Nation, supporting the modernization of the Kazakh education and society (60 years before Kemal Ataturk’s ground-breaking changes), exploring the folklore, the literature, and the culture of many nations and ethnic groups in the region, and documenting the Russian advance in Central Asia.
Similarly with all measures implemented in Turkey by Kemal Ataturk, Valikhanov’s support for a New Era of Enlightenment throughout all the Muslim societies does not constitute an approval of Westernization, as many Western historical forgers pretend. The current Russian rejection of the Western perfidy and putrefaction illustrates the unity of the Kazakh and Russian nations against the Anglo-Saxon decay and evilness.
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Download the book in Word doc.: / Скачать книгу в формате Word: / Кітапты жүктеп алыңыз:
Download the illustrated edition (with 555 pictures & legends): / Скачать иллюстрированное издание (с 555 картинками и легендами): / Суреттелген басылымды жүктеп алыңыз (555 сурет пен аңыздар бар):
What follows is an extensive response that I sent to a Somali friend in Mogadishu, who asked my opinion about a video uploaded by an Iranian (Tajik, Dari-speaking) Afghani currently based in the US. The video concerns one of Afghanistan’s ethnic groups, namely the Pashtuns. The title of the video is ‘Pashtuns are Jews’; you can find it here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YbpevAuZlbc
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Dear B.,
Thank you for your question as regards that video about the Pashtuns and the theory that they are Jews!
Since the video was a quite strange, composite fabrication (or forgery), I had to consider first how many people (or groups, intelligence services and countries) would benefit from a video like that.
1- Today’s Idiotic Humans fully justify Every Evil Plan Providing for World Depopulation
However, and before responding about the topic, the case of that video is quite useful for anyone, who wants to understand why the world will soon be destroyed and many billions of people will be erased from the surface of the Earth in almost no time by means of nuclear conflagration.
You certainly know about the existing plans for reduction of the world population or world depopulation. You may also know the ‘Georgia Guidestones’ as per which humanity must be maintained under 500000000 people. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Georgia_Guidestones#Inscriptions
Many idiots speak against these evident plans that seem to have become the main concern of several secret societies that rule the world, while they implement their agendas that are in conflict with one another.
But what better proof (about the fact that the humanity must be depopulated) can we find other than the conditions of life, the mindset, the lifestyle, the mentality and the behavior of the average people of our days?
This useless and stupid mankind must be destroyed.
In other words, the average people by themselves -with their stupidity- fully justify the plans providing for their elimination. Even worse, the world’s hidden rulers produced several sophisticated deceptions and delusions, as per which even those, who reject the present system, become -unwillingly and unconsciously- its servants and slaves.
A stupid, mentally defective, confused, disoriented mankind that abandoned its diverse, local roots, heritage, culture, moral, integrity and identity certainly cannot survive. Even worse, it must not survive because this sort of altered mankind is degenerate and rotten.
If people became so stupid as to believe that they will learn the truth in the YouTube and the Facebook, then certainly all these people must get lost in a nuclear conflagration as soon as possible.
Many people ask me daily to offer interviews, to upload podcasts, and to organize online seminars. I always reject.
There is nothing that can be done in the YouTube.
The YT destroys people by confusing them due to tons of useless information.
Thinking that, even if you know the truth about a topic, you can say it on the YouTube is tantamount to desecrating the Truth and self-ridiculing.
You cannot possibly diffuse the correct, the right, the just and the truthful via a filthy, vicious and distorting means. And this is exactly what the YouTube is (and the same is valid for many other sites).
It spreads paranoia, dementia, corruption, moral depravity, and destruction of the sound character of most individuals who spend time on that.
Every filthy liar working for a secret service, a propagandist organization or a criminal state can upload his filthy material to diffuse lies and distortions with a video.
You cannot possibly imagine that 10 correct videos uploaded by some rightful persons can counterweigh the millions of videos uploaded daily on the YouTube by besotted fools, paranoid liars and vicious propagandists.
And it is not only a matter with the YouTube and some other sites; it is a matter with the Internet.
The Internet is not something good, but something inherently bad and evil.
It was invented only to destroy the Mankind. The Internet and Mobile Telephony are far worse than the pandemic. The Internet of Things, Metaverse, Virtual Reality, Artificial Intelligence, and Transhumanism are the gates of the extinction.
The pandemic killed only people. The Internet kills souls.
What is the definition of Transhumanism?
“Research and development of robust human-enhancement technologies”!
Well, there is no technology needed for human-enhancement; that’s an evil, Satanic thought. People with this thought should be killed at once as enemies of the mankind, if the mankind were to survive. But people became so passive and so useless that they don’t react vehemently, violently and flagrantly.
If people do not use uniquely unprecedented violence to annihilate to turn all centers of the present world to ashes, the criminal enemies of the mankind will pursue their evil plans. Then, the Almighty will administer the solution that made the filthy and rotten people of Sodom and Gomorrah to disappear.
What really human, morally integer, and spiritually conscious people nowadays can do in this regard is to stay away and to live a normal life far from modern urban centers and advanced technology in small towns and villages close to the nature.
The underdeveloped countries are the luckiest.
In fact, the myth of the development was invented in order to destroy the largest part of the mankind, by attracting them to the corrupt and devious Western mentality, behavior and lifestyle.
The day the electricity will be cut off, the entire world of the mobile phones, the computers, the laptops, the Internet, and the evil laboratories of today’s bogus-scientists will disappear — like a bad nightmare, when we wake up.
That day is not far. A small scale nuclear war is enough to make the electromagnetic waves be disrupted forever.
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2- Basics on Afghanistan, Tajik (or Dari) and the Pashtuns
As I already said, this video is bizarre and fabricated. As you can see, it is uploaded by an Iranian, who probably originates from Afghanistan.
His name is typically Iranian (Hamed Qaderi) and so his face is.
So, I have first to give you some basic data about the country and the so-called nation of the Pashtuns.
Most people worldwide are misinformed and fooled in this regard, confused by tons and tons of multilayered (academic, journalistic, political) Western colonial propaganda.
A- Afghanistan: a Fake Country
Afghanistan is an entirely fake country; it was made out of thin air.
There is no Afghan nation. And there is no Afghan language.
The people of Afghanistan belong to the following nations: Tajik (Dari-speaking), Uzbek, Hazara (Turanians), Aimaq (Iranians) Turkmen, Baluch and Pashtun. The numbers and the maps published here are all lies:
The reality is very different, but this is not the essential point now.
The entire fake state of Afghanistan was fabricated by the English colonials soon after they set foot in India (with the formation of the East India Company).
From the early days of their colonial settlement in parts of the coasts of the great Mughal Empire (when they cheated the local authorities to obtain permission), the filthy and incestuous English criminals started plotting against the Mughal Emperor, the Safavid Shah of Iran, and of course the Sultan at Constantinople. The English plots extended also in Central Asia. By fabricating an independent pseudo-kingdom in the mountains of Eastern Iran, they would only weaken Iran considerably. And this is what they did.
The fake names «Afghan» and «Afghanistan» have no historical foundation. They are a forgery. You cannot find the word «Afghan» in any historical text written in any language before the year 1600.
Everything that you can read here is typical Anglo-Saxon pseudo-academic rubbish and preposterous aberrations geared only to support the crimes of England: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Afghan_(ethnonym)
Simple and schematic map of Afghanistan, but correct; English colonial bogus-academics systematically produce fake maps to promote their criminal schemes. In fake maps of Afghanistan that are prepared by academic outfits of the English intelligence services, the Pashtun (criminally and disastrously -for the world peace- supported by the English colonials) appear to be settled in larger parts of Afghanistan. Fake maps are the basics of all types of colonial propaganda and of every UK-US promoted historical forgery carried out for colonial profit; example: https://www.academia.edu/26130011/Islam_Makuria_Sudan_Ethiopia_and_Abyssinia_Map_Forgery_and_Historical_Falsification_at_Berkeley
The Tajik language is exactly the same as Dari; in fact, it is an Eastern Iranian version of Farsi (Persian).
The use of these fake terms was entirely of English colonial invention. This happens always, when the Anglo-Saxon and the French gangsters attempt to divide local populations and turn them against one another: they launch different terms, label each group they want according to the plan, and then describe them as ‘opposite’ or ‘rival’ to one another. False History is immediately written by the criminal colonial academics and diffused locally in order to further foment discord and interminable wars.
The correction of the problem is simple: all Afghanis must reject their fake identity and achieve the proper expression of their nationhood.
The Uzbeks must unite with Uzbekistan.
A Turkmen enclave must be established and then unite with Turkmenistan.
Baluch must form a new country with the Baluch of Iran and Pakistan.
Hazaras must form an independent nation with a seat in the UN General Assembly – just like the Baluch.
In fact, the entire nation of Tajikistan and a very large part of Afghanistan must unite with Iran, because all these lands constitute the oriental periphery of the historical Iran.
Slightly distorted map of the various nations living in Afghanistan and Pakistan, with the Pashtun zone deliberately exaggerated and magnified.No Pashtuns live in Afghanistan near the borders of Iran, but apparently this falsehood corresponds to some yet publicly unknown plans of English involvement, manipulation, conflict and bloodshed in Iran.
B- Pashtuns, a Fake Nation, and the Anglo-Saxon Colonial Fabrication
What will be left after the aforementioned developments take place?
The Pashtuns!
The Pashtuns are a fake nation, also fabricated by the English colonials in the early 18th c. In fact, the names «Pashtun» and «Pashto» are an English colonial forgery. They did not exist in any historical text before the 17th c.
The fake name and nation «Pashtun», as an English colonial invention, were geared only for the needs of the fabrication of the fake state of Afghanistan.
I will now explain why the evil English did not create a fake country named «Pashtunistan», but «Afghanistan».
Forged map of Afghanistan with the Pashtun zone extraordinarily enlarged
In fact, what the Anglo-Saxon criminals did was this:
1- They did not fabricate a term «Pashtunistan», as it would be «normal» after the fabrication of the Pashtun bogus-nation.
2- They fabricated the term «Afghanistan» as a wider concept, so that the Pashtuns ultimately control a wider area and populations, which belong to other nations, i.e. not only the land where the so-called «Pashtun» lived.
3- They imposed a Pashtun cannibal as bogus-king (Ahmed Durrani) on Afghanistan to rule over a) the fake «Pashtun» nation and b) numerous populations that belonged to other nations.
4- Thus, they made of the fake nation of «Pashtun» the ruling class of a far larger realm, which contained more Iranian and Turanian lands. By strengthening the fake state of Afghanistan, they gravely diminished and weakened the Safavid Empire of Iran.
All this happened in the 18th c., and the subsequent colonial use of the fake country «Afghanistan» was very important for the colonial plans of England during the 19th, 20th, and 21st centuries down to our days.
You may wish to ask about the different tribes and peoples that existed in the area, which the 18th c. English colonials started describing as «lands of the Pashtun» and «Afghanistan».
Well, there lived at the time (and still live today) ca. 400 different tribes, which were not united and each of them had a limited scope and control area. In every valley of the Hindu Kush, there was a different tribe. Among them, they had several different dialects and many of them, although they were/are Muslims, had/have bizarre habits and traditions that cannot be accepted in Islam.
All the above mentioned points are the basic historical facts about the reality of the Pashtun and Afghanistan — a fake nation and a false country envisioned, fabricated, supported, manipulated and utilized by the English.
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PARALLEL LIVES: FAKE AFGHANISTAN & FAKE ETHIOPIA
To make you understand with a Horn region parallel, I can say the following:
Fake Afghanistan in Central Asia is what Fake Ethiopia is in the Horn of Africa.
Afghanistan’s Dari-speaking Tajiksare what Ogadenisare in Fake Ethiopia.
Afghanistan’s Hazarasare what Oromos are in Fake Ethiopia.
Afghanistan’s Uzbeks are what Afarsare in Fake Ethiopia.
Last, Afghanistan’s evil Pashtuns are what evil Amhara are in Fake Ethiopia.
And similarly, Afghanistan’s Pashtuns are what Kikuyu are in Kenya.
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Of course, all the Iranians and all the Tajiks know what I said before.
If the rest of the world does not know that, this is due to the colonial structure of today’s world and to the stupidity of average people worldwide.
Why as that?
Viciously distorted map of Afghanistan prepared only to give viewers the impression that the Pashtun control more than half of the fake country’s territory. Seeing maps like that, one shrewd observer can automatically understand that the Mankind hasn’t seen it all in Afghanistan and that the criminal English colonials intend to produce further bloodshed through use of their tool, namely the fake nation of the Pashtuns.
Because only if an average Moroccan, Spaniard or Italian is totally stupid, he can believe that to get access to authentic information about Abyssinia, Yemen, Pakistan and Tajikistan, he must read any of the major international newspapers.
If an average Moroccan, Spaniard or Italian wants to get access to authentic information about Abyssinia, Yemen, Pakistan and Tajikistan,the only correct and intelligent way to acquire that data is through local, indigenous newspapers, TV stations, sites, portals blogs and social media of those countries.
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3- Specific Comments about Hamed Qaderi and ‘his’ Videos
The video (Pashtuns are Jews/https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YbpevAuZlbc) was apparently prepared by someone, who wanted to cut different clips from another video and mix them at will. However, the video was uploaded before approximately one year.
I already made it clear that the guy, who uploaded the video, is an Iranian (Tajik) originating from Afghanistan. Even the description of the video that you sent me is in Farsi (پشتون ها یهود هستند); it is the same as the title. From his own work, we can get a better idea. Example: in a video uploaded on 11th November 2020, he spent one hour talking and offering space to others in order to comprehensively reject and denounce the Karzai and Ghani gang crime (برنامه 175 در ارتباط سینمای پارک و جنایت باند کرزی و غنی/ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r45PV4DFoqs). He is very right in doing this, because these criminal Pashtun pseudo-Muslim crooks and gangsters were puppets of the English and the Americans, and it is only thanks to them that the Americans left Afghanistan after making sure that their top puppets, i.e. the Taliban terrorists, were able to take full control of that cursed and wretched land.
So, automatically you can understand the need of this Iranian TV presenter to denounce and denigrate the devious Pashtun whose docility and servility toward the English (and more recently the Americans) destroyed Iran and Islam, while serving the evil colonial gangsters over the past 300 years. In other words, whatever was said in this video was already considered by the YT channel user as deprecatory and detrimental against the Pashtun. He then thought that he had good reason to upload this.
Hamed Qaderi launched Khorasan TV Farsi Chanel in 2002 and he seems to be safely based in Los Angeles (https://www.linkedin.com/in/hamed-qaderi-20929325/). I bet that in Afghanistan the local Pashtun cannibals would eat him up either roasted or boiled, as soon as he released this video. However, this video is an exception in many ways.
First of all, in almost all of his videos, Hamed Qaderi presents a program personally; but this video appears to have been made as a documentary, and not as a typical TV program.
Second, as documentary, this video is not the personal work of Hamed Qaderi, but of someone else. He does not appear and he does not speak at all in this video; in addition, it is clear that the technology involved dates back to the 1990s.
Third, most of his other videos have very limited audience (sometimes less than 10 views); but this video (as of today, 10th May 2022) has gone beyond 91000 views! You can find all the details and his videos here: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC2eo4pbggfHyxSvjfX9is1Q/videos
Fourth, little time after Hamed Qaderi uploaded the video that you sent me (which has a duration of 18:44 minutes), he uploaded another shorter (4:24 minutes) under the Farsi title ‘ فیلم پشتون و یهودی بودن’ (The film ‘Pashtuns are Jews’). Here is the link:
The very interesting thing is that this shorter video seems to be the continuation the clips taken from the same documentary from which clips were taken for the longer video that Hamed Qaderi uploaded (and which you sent me); this is bizarre. Why didn’t he make one video out of all the clips that he cut? Why didn’t he arrange a bilingual title since this possible and in any case the titles are brief (just three words each)?
This original documentary was evidently shot partly in Afghanistan and in Pakistan and partly in an undisclosed location, somewhere in an English-speaking country; this was apparently the venue where someone gave an open (?) lecture. Both the speaker and the audience are repeatedly shown in the original documentary and also in the clips cut by Hamed Qaderi for his two YT videos.
I happen to know by name the person, who gave the lecture (or rather the lectures) included in the original documentary. In the video that you sent me, one can see this person in several points, namely 2:35, 4:54, 6:43, 7:25, 9:16, 11:33, and 13:15. In the shorter video, you can see this lecturer in the following points: 1:12, 1:45, 2:11, 2:27 and 4:15. It is clear that the producer of the original documentary got several shots from different lectures given by that person, because he appears to wear different types of clothes every now and then.
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4- Simcha Jacobovici, and his Fraudulent Cinematographic Productions
This person is a world-famous crook, a villainous impostor, a ridiculous rascal, a low level propagandist, a filthy fraudster, a criminal liar, and -like all the Ashkenazi Khazarian pseudo-Jewish Zionist Israelis- a bastard. His degrees, certificates and diplomas are merely toilet paper used and disposed of. He is though very good in his job of professional hoaxer. His name is Simcha Jacobovici, and he is nowadays in his late 60s. About: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Simcha_Jacobovici#Film_career
It is noteworthy that several other Zionist and Israeli outfits and bogus-YT channels (in fact these are parts of the Mossad front office) repost and re-upload his stupid documentaries. Examples:
And this is a documentary that he wrote, directed and produced about the Ten Lost Tribes of the Ancient Israel, which are totally unrelated either to either today’s (Sephardi) Jews or the non-Jewish Ashkenazi Khazarian Zionists. The film was released in 1998: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Quest_for_the_Lost_Tribes
You can watch it (duration: 1:30:29) here:
Quest for the Lost (10) Tribes of Israel – Documentary [Full]
It is from this documentary that Hamed Qaderi cut several clips and fabricated his two videos, namely the longer (that you sent me) and the shorter (that I mentioned herewith).
Of course, Simcha Jacobovici’s bogus-productions constitute criminal Israeli governmental propaganda, as he is an identified mouthpiece of the Mossad, but the topic itself (the theory that the Pashtun are the descendants of one or more tribes of the Ancient Israel) has already been examined and discussed by many. The following video is an example:
Pashtuns and The Lost Tribe of Bani Israel | History of Pathans | پٹھان قوم کی تاریخ
As you can easily, safely and accurately assume, Simcha Jacobovici’s audience is not academic or intellectual. He attracts educationally low level people, who happen to be interested in mysteries, plots, unknown moments of History, ignored aspects of religions, legends, misinterpreted texts, unpublished manuscripts, unexplored topics, alternative interpretations, etc. This audience exists in big numbers throughout the developed countries, and this is the consequence of the wrong educational and academic systems of the Western or Westernized countries, which force people to excessively specialize on a topic in order to achieve a successful career, while however remaining in mysteries about a great number of topics, which were considered in the past as absolutely necessary educational foundations.
The main trait, which is omnipresent in all of Simcha Jacobovici’s videos (not only those that I examined closely in order to understand his intentions!), is the following: there is always an obscure point that he wants to personally unveil for his readers. Deliberately, there is a great dose of cinematographic charlatanism in all of his documentaries, because he ceaselessly tries to posture as sort of clownish ‘Indiana Jones’ (in search of valuable remnants, incredible stories, hidden treasures, unknown truths, and outstanding monuments). If you know nothing about the ridiculous cinematographic character ‘Indiana Jones’, you don’t miss anything. Here you can get some clues:
As character, ‘Indiana Jones’ is a lowly, hideous, vulgar, and extremely offensive Americanization of some of the 19th century’s leading Orientalists, Africanists and other explorers; as a matter of fact, this cinematographic character consists in a meaningless, preposterous and surely ‘ahistorical’ transplantation of 19th c. archaeological pioneers in the late 20th and early 21st c. There is nothing to admire there, except American ignorance and utter degradation of the man’s mental conditions and intellectual aptitudes.
There is not one Israeli historian, philologist, ethnographer, historian of religions, archaeologist or linguist who would spend one minute on Simcha Jacobovici’s fraudulent and nonsensical videos; but on the other hand, you should not expect an explicit denunciation of his fraud either! The reason for this is that they all know that he is the propaganda arm of the Mossad and he merely does his job, carrying out his assigned tasks; so, his rubbish is not addressed to academics and researchers, but to average public either in Israel or throughout the English-speaking world (I have not noticed any version of video in other languages).
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5- The Assyriologist Hayim Tadmor, Simcha Jacobovici, the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel, the Jews, and the Misunderstanding of Hamed Qaderi
Simcha Jacobovici’s method is an academic fraud. One can attest the same type of iniquity among other historical fraudsters everywhere; their method is invariably the same. They find well known and widely acclaimed scholars specializing in a field; they interview them for 30, 60 or 90 seconds about few details that concern their field but, at the same time, are related to some extent with the main topic/theme of the documentary under preparation; thus, they ‘extract’ undeniable academic credibility and present their premeditated, deviate and obnoxious ‘research’ as possibly based on authoritative scholars.
However, their claim to scholarly trustworthiness is trashy, because if after the release of the documentary, you present the entire film to the interviewed scholar, he will straightforwardly reject it and he will say that he bears responsibility only for the brief interview that he accorded to the producer; and of course, no other scholars will support any of the absurd (but eventually useful at the level of politics, worldwide infiltration, and intelligence services) claim made or conclusion drawn in the execrable ‘documentary’.
A- Hayim Tadmor, a Leading Assyriologist
As a matter of fact, the video that you sent me initially shocked me! In the very first minute! The reason for this is that, as soon as it started, I noticed that the producer(s) included an interview with a highly reputable and acclaimed scholar, namely the leading Israeli Assyriologist Hayim Tadmor (1923-2005), who was my professor in Jerusalem Mount Scopus University back in 1984. I was many times in the salon of his house and I remember with some nostalgia the noble way he treated me and the wisdom of his responses. But all of our discussions revolved around the Neo-Assyrian Empire (1200-609 BCE) and the Sargonid dynasty (722-609 BCE), which was the culmination point of the Pre-Islamic world and the permanent model for the Achaemenid Iranian, the Seleucid, and the Roman Empires.
Hayim Tadmor was acknowledged for his major contribution, namely the publication of the Annals of Tiglath-pileser III (745-727 BCE), Emperor of Assyria and Emperor of the Universe.
But I know very well that Hayim Tadmor (born in Harbin/Харбин/哈尔滨市, today’s Manchuria in NE China, at the time of Russian control: 1898-1932) never studied anything about the Pashtun and did not have a clue about Afghanistan – except of course general encyclopedic knowledge.
I therefore observed carefully and noticed that, in that clip, Hayim Tadmor speaks only about the Ancient Israelites (who are very different from either the Sephardic Jews or the Ashkenazim fake-Jewish Khazarians) and about some of the locations where they have been attested (on the basis of excavated cuneiform textual evidence) more than a century after they had been besieged, taken captive, and subsequently transported to NE Assyrian provinces (722-719 BCE). What Hayim Tadmor said is accurate: there are Babylonian texts of the early 6th c. BCE mentioning Ancient Israelite names of individuals in NE Mesopotamia.
But at the same time, I could not understand why this clip with Hayim Tadmor was necessary in a documentary about the Pashtuns being Jews. Later, I realized that the creator of that video (the Afghani Iranian expatriate Hamed Qaderi) did not cut only one part of Simcha Jacobovici’s documentary, but many small parts that he mixed together in the video he prepared and uploaded.
When I discovered Simcha Jacobovici’s documentary, I realized why Hayim Tadmor was necessary to the Israeli cinematographic fraudster; his documentary (see above) was not about the Jews (!!!), but about the Ten Lost Tribes of the Ancient Israelites, who are very different from the Jews as I already said. Look at the title:
Quest for the Lost (10) Tribes of Israel – Documentary [Full]
B- Hamed Qaderi’s Misunderstanding of Simcha Jacobovici‘s Documentary
Then, the entire problem at this level was the fact that Hamed Qaderi simply was never a historian; he did not study Ancient History of Assyria, Babylonia, Israel and Judah, and in addition, he misunderstood the entire video that he cut into small clips to create his own. In fact, Hamed Qaderi mistook the ‘Ancient Israelites’ (or ‘Ten Lost Tribes of Israel’) for …. Jews!
So, the title of the video that you sent me is totally wrong and misleading; the poor Afghani Iranian expatriate, out of his hatred of the Pashtun (which I can accept and tolerate) and in his effort to defame them as ‘Jews’, did not understand that the original video that he watched (that of Simcha Jacobovici) has nothing to do with Jews, but it concerns with the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel whom the Ashkenazi Khazarian fake Jewish Modern Israeli Zionist fraudster tries to identify here and there, in Asia and in Africa.
Consequently, the correct title for the video that you sent me would have been (had ever the unfortunate Mr. Hamed Qaderi understood it properly): “Pashtuns are descendants of the Ancient Israelites”. And this is actually what Simcha Jacobovici tries to do in his documentary: he attempts to identify
a) names of Ancient Israelite (attention: not ‘Jewish’) tribes with names of the Pashtun tribes,
b) names of locations (mountains, rivers, etc.) where the Ancient Israelites have been exiled by Sargon II of Assyria (722-705 BCE) in NE Assyria with toponyms from the regions presently inhabited by Pashtun.
c) names of locations (mountains, rivers, etc.) where the Ancient Israelites have been attested later (during the times of Nabonid Babylonia (625-539 BCE) with toponyms from the regions presently inhabited by Pashtun.
Mr. Hamed Qaderi’s misunderstanding and confusion may to some extent be justified (as I said), because he did not study Ancient History, Assyriology, and Biblical Studies. All the same, for a Muslim this mistake is not permissible. Why?
Well, for the very simple reason that the Ten Lost Tribes of Ancient Israel are named Banu Isra’il (بني إسرائيل) in the Quran, whereas the Jews -who are unrelated to the Ten Lost Tribes of Ancient Israel – are called Yahud (يهود). This means that the colossal difference between the two ethnic groups is part of an average Muslim’s culture. In other words, a Muslim does not need to study History of the Ancient Orient in order to know the Ancient Israelites are very different (and viewed by Allah as such) from the (ancient or modern) Jews.
In this regard, look at the enormous difference that exists between the Russian Wikipedia and the English Wikipedia; it testifies to the ‘bras-de-fer’ between different secret organizations that promote different versions of World History.
C- Simcha Jacobovici‘s Documentaries: Truth, Lies and Distortions
This said, I have now to persistently point out that one should not reject Simcha Jacobovici’s cinematographic production as entirely wrong. There is no absolute lie and there is no absolute forgery. In many cases (I speak about other documentaries), he presents plausible situations, possible interpretations, eventual facts, and even correct approaches. But one finds always (in Simcha Jacobovici’s documentaries) an exaggerated description, an unnecessary self-praise, and a certain concealment of other scholars and authors who published already (and sometimes much) about the topic of the documentary in question.
In fact, there is nothing new in what he says; all the topics that he presents had already been visited and revisited by numerous scholars and explorers who came up with fresh ideas and alternative interpretations. But the fraudster tries to persistently usurp other persons’ suggestions, ideas, and thoughts. In fact, he merely popularizes already expressed interpretations, trying always to extract undeserved credit and …. material benefit.
Simcha Jacobovici’s way to reveal the truth by saying many lies also involves an overdose of conspiracy theory and a disproportionate effort to put the blame on others, who always happened to be enemies of the Jews. To conclude the topic, I can say that it is really a pity that, by presenting all these themes/subjects in the way he does, he discredits many correct approaches to and interpretations of facts. This Mossad agent and fraudster failed to grasp that the truth in each and every point (as in the aforementioned case of ‘the Secret Voyage of Jesus’) does not have an ‘enemy’, and it cannot be presented as ‘opposite’ to eventual lies or textual changes and alterations. It is quite possible that Jesus sailed to Western Mediterranean and to the Phoenician-Carthaginian city of Cadiz (in today’s Spain).
Cadiz (SW Spain): an ancient Phoenician and Carthaginian city initially named Gadir (i.e. ‘Wall’), later known as Gadeira (Γάδειρα) in Ancient Greek and Gades in Latin
The fact that all mentions to such a potential travel were erased from the Gospels is not a reason for us to hate or revile Christianity and any Christian Church. Revealing the truth about a text that may have been erased from the Gospels is not tantamount to justification of the preposterous insults contained in the ignominious Talmud against Jesus. But did the ignorant, uneducated, biased and treacherous Simcha Jacobovici produce any video to reveal even one of the fallacies and the monstrosities contained in the egregious and abominable Talmud? No!
The partial impostor finds evildoing and depravity only among his opponents!
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6- The Ten Lost Tribes of Ancient Israel, the (Sephardic) Jews, and the non-Jewish Ashkenazi Khazarians
I must now highlight to you the eschatological / soteriological (or messianic) importance of the topic of the Ten Lost Tribes of Ancient Israel.
The Ancient Hebrew tribal kingdom of Saul (Sha’ul/طالوت) and David (Daud/ داوود) did not last long. After the death of Solomon (Sulayman/ سليمان) at ca. 930 BCE, the Ancient Hebrews were irrevocably divided and ever since organized in two different kingdoms:
a. the Northern Kingdom of Israel, in which 10 out the 12 Hebrew tribes gathered
and
b. the Southern kingdom of Judah, with the remaining 2 tribes.
Apparently, the Ancient Kingdom of Israel was significantly bigger than the kingdom of Judah; Israel’s capital was Samaria (today’s Nablus), whereas Judah’s capitals was Jerusalem. Around these two kingdoms, there were many other important kingdoms of those days:
i- Aram-Dimashq, the largest and strongest Aramaean kingdom;
ii- several other Aramaean kingdoms, like Bit Adini, Bit Zamani, etc., which occupied territories of today’s Syria and SE Turkey;
iii- several Phoenician kingdoms, like Tyre, Byblus, Arad, Beirut, etc., which occupied territories of today’s Lebanon, the coastal part of Syria, and the offshore territories of their colonies throughout the Mediterranean and across the Iberian and NW African coasts (due to their navigational expertise and commercial dexterity, the Phoenicians were extremely wealthy);
iv- several Neo-Hittite kingdoms, like Tabal, Que, Gurgum, and Kummuh;
v- the Semitic kingdoms of Ammon (around Amman), Moab and Edom (in today’s Jordan); and
vi- the Philistines in the southern part of the coast, around the cities Gaza, Ashkelon and Ashdod.
The Aramaean kingdom Aram-Dimashq (Damascus), the Semitic kingdoms Ammon, Moab and Edom, the Philistines, and the Hebrew kingdoms of Israel and Judah
The Aramaean kingdomsNeo-Hittite, Western Aramaean, and Phoenician KingdomsNeo-Hittite, Western Aramaean, and Phoenician KingdomsThe Assyrian Empire and its expansion
A- The Ancient Israelites taken in Captivity in Assyria and lost
All these small kingdoms existed within a context of ever changing alliances and never ending wars; in fact, their existence was extended only until the rise of Assyria to prevalence. Gradually, all these states and many other even larger kingdoms, like the Urartu (in today’s Eastern Turkey), the Phrygians and the Lydians (in today’s Western Turkey),, the Mannai (Mannaea) and the Medes (in today’s Northwestern and Western Iran), and even great historical empires like Elam (in today’s SW Iran), Babylonia (Central and Southern Mesopotamia), and Egypt become parts of Assyria, the world’s first and foremost imperial, universalist empire. In the process, Sargon of Assyria (also known as Sargon II) invaded the Northern Kingdom of Israel (722 BCE), transported the totality of the Ancient Israelites to the NE confines of his empire, and replaced them with Aramaeans who were transported from Southern Mesopotamia and resettled in Samaria and throughout the territory of the Ancient Israel.
Tiglat-pileser III (745-727 BCE)Assurbanipal (669-625 BCE)
Several Assyrian cuneiform texts, dating back to the end of the 8th and the beginning of the 7th c. BCE, mention names of Ancient Israelites transported and settled in different locations throughout the NE Assyrian provinces. But after the end of the long reign (669-625 BCE) of Ashurbanipal, Ancient Assyria’s greatest monarch, the vast empire seems to have come to an end, in spite of all the incessant wars and astounding victories that the highly intellectual emperor and high priest achieved until 640 BCE, erasing every opponent of Assyria. Few years later, only around 614 BCE, Assyria seems to have been left with few garrisons of almost empty cities, and in the span of 5 years (614-609 BCE) all the major Assyrian cities and imperial capitals fell in the hands of the Babylonians and the Medes. The bulk of the Assyrian population was not there; the archaeological evidence demonstrates that mere skirmishes took then place and few casualties were recorded from both sides. But there were no scribes left to write Assyrian anymore; after 610 BCE, all the Mesopotamian cuneiform texts that have been discovered were Babylonian.
Neither Assyrians nor Israelites (transported to NE Assyria) have been found throughout the great empire, which was easily divided between the Babylonians and the Medes. Prophecies about their dispersion in various lands, their loss of identity, faith and language, and their miraculous return at the End of Time have been attested in Ancient Assyrian texts and in the Old Testament, whereas hints can be found in the Gospels and the Quran. The topic preserved its importance throughout the ages, and several Jews (Sephardi) expressed great interest in traveling to remote lands only for the sake of possibly identifying the remnants of the ‘Ten Lost Tribes’. Benjamin of Tudela (1135-1178) wrote down his findings in his Book of Travels, after traveling for many long years from Andalusia through the Eastern Roman Empire to the Abbasid Caliphate, and further on to Arabia, Iran, India, Yemen and Egypt. About:
The travels of Benjamin of TudelaThe travels of Benjamin of Tudela compared with those of Ibn Batuta and Marco Polo
B- Modern Times’ German Assyrianism and British Israelism
In modern times, several Northern European scholars and intellectuals raised the topic of the Ancient Assyrian origin of the Germans and of the Ancient Israelite origin of the English and of several other Northern European nations. German Assyrianism and British Israelism fascinated even leading mystics, artists and poets like William Blake.
Many otherwise inexplicable facts of Modern History can be illuminated due to these approaches, which have not yet brought forth conclusive evidence in support of the respective claims. All the same, this spiritual, academic and intellectual trend generated tremendous reaction from Jesuits and Zionists. If the real Israelites are the English and other Northern European nations, then the state of Israel is clearly a fraud.
Typical material of British Israelism and German Assyrianism
In the following links, you will get a general idea about these schools of historical interpretation:
When the Ancient Israelites and the Jews lived in separate kingdoms for two centuries (930-722 BCE), they were often in conflict, as they were members of different alliances. The fact that they had common ancestry and language did not play an important role; I don’t even mention the monotheistic religion that Moses, which had been preached to their ancestors, because the kings of both Hebrew states, Israel and Judah, wanted to imitate the polytheistic kings of the Phoenician and the Aramaean states. Most of the Biblical prophets originated from Israel, and they gravely criticized both kingdoms for their religious apostasy and heresy.
What is definitely known and absolutely clear is the fact that the Sephardic Jews have nothing to do with the Ten Lost Tribes of the Ancient Israelites, because the Jews were never lost. After the Israelites were taken to NE Assyria, the tiny tributary kingdom of Judah, headquartered in Jerusalem, continued existing under Assyrian tutelage. After the end of the Assyrian Empire (609 BCE), the Babylonians targeted and finally invaded Judah, holding the entire population captive (587 BCE). But the Jews, who were transported to Babylonia, were later liberated by the Achaemenid Iranian Emperor Cyrus (Kurosh), when he invaded Babylonia (539 BCE). There is however a historical continuity of Jews from the Achaemenid Iranian times (550-330 BCE) down to the times of Jesus and the Roman Empire. Quite noticeably, the small kingdom that the Jews set up in Palestine at those days was named Judah (Judaea in Latin), and not Israel, because it was clear that the Jews had nothing to do with Ancient Israel.
It is also noteworthy that the Aramaeans, who were transported by Sargon II from Southern Mesopotamia and resettled in Samaria and throughout the territory of Ancient Israel, progressively accepted Jewish religion (like the Samaritan woman with whom Jesus had a critical conversation-proof of his overwhelming rejection of the then ethnic Jews), but they were always ethnically distinct. In later periods (after the 4th c. BCE), all ethnic Jews became linguistically Aramaized, and they lost their Ancient Hebrew language, which was then the religious language for both, the religiously Jewish Aramaeans and the ethnically and religiously Jews.
After the Roman Conquest of Jerusalem and its subsequent destruction (70 CE), the ethnic Jews were dispersed throughout the Roman Empire and also in several other kingdoms in Asia (Iran, Yemen, Arabia, India) and Africa (Axum). The rise of the Islamic Caliphate guaranteed a period of commercial prosperity and intellectual creativity for all the Jews of the Islamic realm. The remarkable position that the Jews had in the Islamic Caliphate of Andalusia (Iberian Peninsula), the Hebrew name for Spain (Sepharad) with the ensuing adjective (Sephardi), and the expulsion of all the Jews from the victorious Christian kingdom of Castille and Aragon (1492) are the reasons for which gradually all the Jews have been collectively named Sephardic.
D- Ashkenazi Fake Jewish Khazarian Zionists
Totally different and unrelated from the Ten Lost Tribes of the Ancient Israelites (who cannot be identified with any ethnic group until now) and from the (Sephardic) Jews are the Ashkenazi Khazarians, who -settled in the northern coastland of the Caspian Sea- decided to accept Judaism as their religion around the year 800 CE. They are widely known thanks to their interaction with the Abbasid Caliphate, early and later Turanian Khanates, later Islamic Sultanates, the Eastern Roman Empire, and Christian European kingdoms. In Farsi and in several other languages, the Caspian Sea is called ‘The Sea of the Khazars’ (Darya-ye Khazar).
At this point, it is essential to underscore the fact that the Khazars were not the first nation or ethnic group that accepted Judaism as religion. I already stated that the Aramaeans, who were transported from Southern Mesopotamia to the territory of Ancient Israel after the Israelite Captivity to Assyria (722-719 BCE), gradually accepted Judaism.
Also the small Aramaean kingdom of Adiabene (Hadyab in Syriac Aramaic) in Northeastern Mesopotamia and Northern Transtigritane (the land beyond Tigris River) accepted Judaism in the 1st c. CE. The small Aramaean kingdom had Arbil as capital, and it was at times tributary to the Arsacid Parthian, Roman, and Sassanid Iranian empires. The kingdom survived from the middle of 2nd c. BCE until the end of the 4th c. CE when it was irrevocably incorporated (379) in the Sassanid Empire. Although the religiously Jewish Aramaean Queen Helena of Adiabene was known to have made donations to the temple of Jerusalem, the people and the rulers of Adiabene never claimed any right to the ‘Promised Land’ in the face of their conversion to Judaism.
Contrarily to this tradition, after the Khazars accepted Judaism, they started naming themselves ‘Ashkenazi’, which is a Biblical term for the ancient nation of Scythians; by identifying themselves with the Ancient Scythians, they thought that they could acquire credentials of historicity and by believing (or showing publicly that they do) in Judaism, they laid claim to the ‘Promised Land’. They early established contacts with the Sephardi Jews in Western Europe (10th-11th c.) and attempted to arrange mixed marriages only to strengthen their claim and to posture as ethnically Jewish, whereas they are not.
The identification of the Khazars with the ancestors of all those who today claim to belong to the so-called ‘Ashkenazi Judaism’ (a highly controversial term due to the rise of the forged ‘Reform Judaism’ and other utterly non-Jewish or un-Jewish or even anti-Jewish movements among the supposedly Jewish Ashkenazi) is not only a modern scholarly conclusion (as in the case of the illustrious 19th-20th Talmudic scholar Samuel Krauss), but also the common practice and absolute conviction of many 11th c. Ashkenazi Talmudic commentators like Shlomo Yitzchaki (1040-1105; also known as Rashi). Only with the rise of Zionism at the end of the 19th c., these commonly known and widely accepted even among Ashkenazi Khazarians- truths became ‘conspiracy theories’ and ‘unfounded assumptions’.
7- The Pashtuns are unrelated to the Ten Lost Tribes of Ancient Israel, the Sephardic Jews, and the Ashkenazi Fake Jewish Khazarian Zionists
The Pashtuns, as you may have already understood, do not constitute a historical nation; the modern scholars, who try to falsify World History and hypothesize about the relationship of the fake national name of the Pashtuns with selected words from ancient languages, execute disreputable orders of their colonial masters and do not work in order to explore the historical truth. They intend merely to serve the criminal and evil choices of the world’s most inhuman colonial forces, i.e. England and the US. All these idiotic pseudo-scholars, who desperately search in Achaemenid Iranian, Middle Persian, Sogdian, Pahlavi, Sanskrit, Prakrit, Aramaean, Syriac Aramaic, Arabic, Farsi, etc. texts in order to find words that sound like ‘Pashtun’, know very well that they are impostors and that whatever they pretend and publish in this regard is nonsensical.
There has never been any ethnonym in any language to have an affinity with the fabricated term ‘Pashtun’. Even worse, there is no continuity between any proposed (by modern scholars) name taken from any ancient language and the name of the modern pseudo-nation of the Pashtuns.
Pretty much like the Pashtuns are not one nation but an assemblage of ca. 400 tribes, Pashto is not a language but a collection of dialects. The existence of these dialects is due to an enormous amalgamation made between descendants of ancient indigenous nations (mainly of Eastern Iranian substrate) and the numerous nomadic nations and / or armies that crossed the mountainous regions of today’s Eastern Afghanistan and NW Pakistan in order to reach the Indus Valley.
As a matter of fact, the territories currently inhabited by the so-called ‘Pashtun’ (i. e. the central part of the current Pakistan-Afghanistan borderline and all the adjacent lands) had always been the main passageway from Central Asia, Siberia and NE Asia to the Indus Valley and, in general, the subcontinent. This region was also preferable to cross even for armies and/or nomads coming from the Iranian plateau with the intention to reach the Indus Valley. This critical fact, which determined all major historical developments in the wider region, is entirely due to the geomorphological condition of the wider region of Baluchistan, which lies south of the mountainous territories inhabited by the Pashtuns.
Baluchistan comprises vast swathes of land in SE Iran, SW Pakistan, and Southern Afghanistan. Arid mountains, deserts and swamps along with high temperatures make of this territory an inhospitable land almost impossible for armies or nomads to cross. Contrarily to these geomorphological traits, the narrow valleys of Hindu Kush, generously fertilized by rivers, make a far preferable territory for all types of migrants to traverse.
That is why the region, which is currently inhabited by Pashtuns, was crossed by many ethnic groups and nations migrating to the subcontinent either during the Antiquity or after the early expansion of Islam. Furthermore, it was endlessly crossed by caravans moving for two millennia (500 BCE – 1500 CE) on the silk-, spice-, and incense-routes. The Pakistani province Khyber Pakhtunkhwa corresponds to the Achaemenid satrapy of Thatagush (Sattagydia); borderlines among kingdoms and tribal confederacies were drawn there more often than in any other part of Iran, India and Central Asia. Surviving descendants of ancient indigenous nations amalgamated with every new wave of shelters and migrants, and this fact produced the incredibly high number of tribes that the English colonials put together in order to fabricate a fake nation-tool of their disastrous policies.
The Achaemenid Empire of Iran
Quite noticeably, with the arrival of the Western colonials in Eastern Africa and South Asia (around ca. 1500 CE), the silk-, spice-, and incense-routes ceased to function, nomadic movements became scarce, and after the last crossing of the region, i. e. Nader Shah’s invasion of India (1739), the English came up with their colonial scheme, namely the ‘Pashtun’ nation and the fake country named ‘Afghanistan’.
On the basis of the aforementioned, it becomes clear that there cannot be any connection between any of the tribes that the English baptized as Pashtun and any of the earlier discussed historical nations, namely the Ten Lost Tribes of Ancient Israel, the Sephardic Jews, and the Ashkenazi Fake Jewish Khazarian Zionists. About:
Turkish & Mongolic Words and Turkish Lexical Elements in Pashto
Peştucada Türkçe/Moğolca Kelimeler ve Türkçe Di̇l Unsurlari
You may now wish to know how the Pashtun proved to be useful to their English and American masters over the past 40 years. This is very simple; there is a word, a name, which is widely known worldwide. But this name is in fact a fraudulent deception. The reality hidden behind this deception would shake the world, if it became known. You certainly heard about the Taliban in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Well, there are no Taliban. All Taliban are Pashtun; there are no Taliban except the Pashtun puppets of the English and the Americans.
One may still identify a few groups of Taliban of Tajik origin (like that of the deliberately assassinated Ahmad Shah Massoud); these groups are a professional reaction to the original fact, namely the organization of the evil pseudo-Muslim force of the Taliban by the British Intelligence, the CIA, and their silly and corrupt Pashtun puppets. When such developments take place, it is necessary for other nations (Tajik, Uzbek, etc.) and also for other forces (France, Russia, China, Germany) and countries (secret services) involved to organize parallel structures (other ‘Taliban’ groups) in order to mainly monitor and contain the early established group through them.
There is nothing Islamic in post-Soviet Afghanistan; it is a new form of colonization that destroys the land and all the other nations, which have been imprisoned in that pseudo-state. All fake Muslim Pashtuns carry out colonial orders, which serve only the Anglo-Saxon agenda. There is no Talibanization of Afghanistan; it is merely a Pashtunization.
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8- Why Khazaria (Fake Israel) is in war with England about the Pashtun?
You may finally wish to ask why this topic may offer the fake state of Israel an opportunity to be involved and why such documentaries are supported by Israeli and Zionist cinematographers, and by their financiers.
The topic of the Ten Lost Tribes of the Ancient Israelites and the Assyrians is at the epicenter of the eschatological beliefs and agendas of all the major secret societies of today’s world, namely the Jesuits, the Freemasons, and the Zionists.
In fact, everything undertaken and done by the Western Europeans after the Fall of Constantinople (1453) was only the implementation of eschatological plans and agendas. In other words, different powerful organizations diffused tons of lies, forgeries and fake sciences in order to acquire wealth, obtain material force, and mainly achieve prevalence over the then existing empires (Ming – Qing China, Mughal Empire/Hindustan, Safavid/Afshar/Qajar Empire of Iran, the Ottoman Empire, the Aztecs and the Incas). Deliberately, they reduced the rest of the world into abject poverty and utmost misery in order to carry out their soteriological / messianic plans and schemes.
In this manner, they would impose their order worldwide and usher the entire mankind into a fake End of Times (al Yom al Akhar / اليوم الآخر or Akhir uz-zaman/ آخر الزمان) with their, fake, Messiah at the end. And this is what they exactly did, without anyone noticing it at some early moment. However, these forces, which attempted and achieved these developments, were in open conflict with one another, having opposite agendas, conflicting stories, and divergent interpretations of the Biblical (Ancient Hebrew) and Christian prophecies.
Spanish and Portuguese colonialism reflected the agenda of the Jesuits.
Dutch, French and English colonialism reflected the agenda of the Freemasons.
Ashkenazi fake-Jewish Khazarian colonialism reflected the agenda of the Zionists.
With the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494), Rome divided all the seas of the world into either Spanish o Portuguese, turning the surface of the Earth into an imaginary lake and all the continents into de facto islands. This was the papal response to both, the Eastern Roman Empire (defunct in 1453-1461) and the divided Islamic world. The various Muslim empires failed first to be duly informed and updated and second to react. Their end would be inevitable because in reality this treaty terminated 2000 years of silk-, spice-, and incense routes.Rome drew only two lines to separate the seas: from Brazil to the Philippines all seas ‘belonged’ to Portugal, whereas all the rest was considered as being under the control of the king of Spain.Spain and Portugal were entirely controlled by the Jesuits and the pope.The first and the second French colonial empiresThe English Empire; the French and the English colonial empires were tools in the hands of the English and the French Freemasonry,
After WWI and WWII, these secret societies penetrated one another and managed to infiltrate the opposite society’s ‘territory’; this means that, in great contrast with what happened in the past, now all three organizations are powerful almost everywhere within the Western world, and at the same time, they are in contrast with one another everywhere (whereas Imperial Germany was at the hands of the Jesuits, whereas Freemasonry totally controlled France and England in 1914).
Freemasons and Zionists are now powerful in Spain whereas this would be totally inconceivable before 100 or 400 years; similarly, Jesuits are very influential in France and England, whereas this would be unbelievable before 100 or 200 years. This new situation forces all these three societies to use proxies for their wars – something that did not happen in the past.
Why is the topic of the Ten Lost Tribes of the Ancient Israelites and the Assyrians at the epicenter of the eschatological beliefs and agendas of these three powerful secret societies?
This is very simple to answer: it is so, because for the Biblical and the Christian prophecies, the End of Time is the period during which, after unprecedented wars, destructions, famines, natural disasters, and diseases, the Messiah will identify the Ten Lost Tribes of the Ancient Israelites and the Assyrians, and then, in a miraculous manner, he will bring them back to their respective lands of origin, i.e. in Palestine, Syria and Mesopotamia. The texts are very clear on this topic, and at times they offer indeed fascinating descriptions. There are no messianic times without a ‘return’!
Where do these three organizations stand as regards the eschatological excerpts of the Old and New Testaments that concern the ‘Return of the Ten Lost Tribes’? Well, before replying briefly, I would suggest you to make your own research, starting with “Return of the Ten Lost Tribes” (all the words within brackets) in a search engine!
A- Jesuits and the Return of the Ten Lost Tribes
The Jesuits, who persistently try nowadays to unify all branches and churches of today’s destitute Christianity under their own, diabolical, auspices, fully reject the topic because they view this development (or eventuality) as fully opposed and detrimental to Christianity (that they pretend to represent).
To the Jesuits, an eventual “Return of the Ten Lost Tribes” would automatically turn Jesus into anything else except the Messiah or Christ, which -as belief- consists in the foundation stone of Christianity. You may then wish to ask me why the Jesuits do not fabricate their own fake ‘Ten Lost Tribes’ so that eventually their (currently under preparation) false Messiah takes them back to the ‘Promised Land’. This question is easy to respond.
The Jesuits (and their spiritual, sacerdotal and theological predecessors) never believed a word of the Old Testament. By the way, they didn’t believe a word of the New Testament either; they only managed to seize the Roman sacerdotal hierarchy of Christianity and to progressively hijack through infiltration all the other Christian churches. In fact, the Jesuits deeply revile the Ancient Hebrews (the united kingdom of 12 tribes), the Ancient Israelites (the Ten Lost Tribes), the (Sephardic) Jews, and the Ashkenazi fake-Jewish Khazarians. Useless to add that the Jesuits deeply hate all the prophets, Jesus, and -last but not least- prophet Muhammad!
The Jesuits constitute a form of survival of ancient idolatrous and polytheistic beliefs and cults within Christianity; this statue represents Virgin Mary as Black Madonna with the infant Jesus. Ignacio de Loyola, the Benedictine monk and founder of the Jesuits, prayed to this statue for an entire night, before launching the Order of the Jesuits. In reality, the Jesuits constitute a heliocentric Roman priesthood which transferred within Christianity all the major cults and narratives of Mithraism, an ancient Iranian religion, which spread throughout Europe and the Roman Empire before Christianity.Solar cult is omnipresent in the pseudo-Christian order of the Jesuits.
B- Freemasons and the Return of the Ten Lost Tribes
The Freemasons (and their spiritual, sacerdotal and theological predecessors) were terribly persecuted in Western Europe during the Christian times, but they managed to survive mainly in England, an island that the Catholic Church never achieved to fully put under control. Originating from Isiac (Ancient Egyptian cults diffused and practiced in Greece, Rome and throughout the Roman Empire), Gnostic, Hermetic, and Arian Christian backgrounds, the spiritual, sacerdotal and theological ancestors of modern Freemasons went extinct in the powerful Eastern Roman Empire.
All the same, they were widely present in Abbasid Baghdad and in Umayyad Andalusia. The Brethren of Purity (إخوان الصفا) demonstrate that the concept of Universal Man survived from Sargonid Assyria through Achaemenid Iran, Ptolemaic Egypt, Imperial Rome, and Sassanid Iran down to the golden era of Islamic civilization. When, at the times of the Crusades, the Knights Templar (an ancestral stage of the modern Freemasons) contacted the Isma’iliyah in various parts of the Orient, their spiritual purity had already been conditioned because of their interconnection with several Frankish tribes and more notably the Merovingian dynasty. Muslim mystics of those days were in a position to understand this situation; since that time, it should have been clear to Muslim erudite scholars and spiritual masters that nothing from the Genius of the Orient could remain intact in the irrevocably corrupted West. If the then Muslims did not realize this troublesome condition of the pseudo-Christian, rotten Western Europe, they certainly caused a tremendous collateral damage to the Islamic world (but this is another topic).
The Lia Fail stone (‘stone of destiny’), which is inserted in the English coronation throne, is a focal point of British Israelism and of the true speculative Freemasons.
Associated with several anti-Christian or anti-papal groups (the Cathars, the Knights Templar, the Illuminati, etc.), the modern Freemasons have been infiltrated by the Jesuits, split, engaged in fratricidal conflicts, and spiritually contaminated with the exception of only few lodges. The spiritual contamination of today’s fake (or rather Apostate) Freemasons relates to the preposterous and blasphemous narrative as per which Jesus and Mary Magdalene were married and had an offspring that happens to be the ancestor of the Merovingians.
The Return of the Ten Lost Tribes has always been a most cherished belief among Freemasons; it was viewed in purely material terms as the “return” (and salvation) of the Northern European elites (Dutch, Belgians, Northern French, English, Irish, Scots and Scandinavians) and the pro-European part of the American elite in the wider region of Mashreq (SE Turkey, Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, Jordan and Iraq), following cataclysmic human-made destructions that would be inflicted in the vast area in question by means of advanced technology, therefore involving the extermination of the outright majority of the present inhabitants. You may eventually think that what I am narrating now is a replica of the ‘Greater Israel Project’, but this is in fact wrong! It is the other way round! The ‘Greater Israel Project’ is a counterfeit Zionist project at the very antipodes of the Freemasonic agenda for the Orient (see also below!). Both projects are evil indeed, but they stand in direct conflict with one another.
British Israelism and German Assyrianism are only some of the indications about Freemasons’ particular interest in the topic. English colonialism seemed to work for the interests of the English and French Freemasonic lodges in the 19th c., but the rise of the Zionist movement generated a problem. Instead of preparing the path for an English and West European return to the ‘Promised Land’, the calamitous labyrinth of the English political system turned against the interests of the English elites and favored the Zionist project. Dates like 1948 and 1956 turned the Freemasonic dream of ‘British Palestine’ into a nightmare. In fact and despite all appearances, after 1956, the world’s most opposite forces and most inimical states are England (UK) and ‘Israel’. It is not a mere coincidence that Queen Elizabeth II, who traveled almost in every country in the world, never visited Israel.
Every anti-Israeli Iranian (Ayatollah) rhetoric and policy is merely English Freemasonic anti-Zionist inducement and incitement. That little, smiley and asinine caricature of Mohammad Javad Zarif (Iran’s former -thank God!- Foreign Minister) confused many people worldwide; they did not know whether he functioned as the official representative of Iran or the UK!
C- Zionists and the Return of the Ten Lost Tribes
The slow rise of the Ashkenazi fake Jewish Khazarian elite to world prominence brought the Zionist concepts to the forefront. As per the Zionist narrative, there isn’t going to be any Messiah to come to this world as a human being. For the Zionists, who hate the Sephardic Jews and the Biblical tradition more than anyone else in the world, the only ‘true’ Messiah of the Biblical prophecies is … ‘Eretz Israel’ (the state of Israel) itself. Zionists interpret the Biblical prophecies about the ‘Messianic era’ as referring to (and being fulfilled in) the modern times, and more specifically in the period after the inception of their fake Israel in 1948.
According to the Zionist story, there is nothing to wait anymore from the Biblical prophecies. It goes without saying that the majority of the Sephardic Jews, who live in fake Israel as truly second class citizens, and all the religious ‘Orthodox’ (who are also known as Haredi) Ashkenazi Khazarians do not accept this heretical approach and peremptory interpretation; however, they are cheated, marginalized, persecuted and outmaneuvered by the dictatorial Zionist elite. The Zionists do not act as a secular political force (as they pretend), but as deeply rancorous, highly vindictive, totally anti-Biblical, and hysterically anti-religious sect of dogmatically recalcitrant lunatics.
Haredi Ashkenazi family (above); Zionists in the streets of Tel Aviv (below)
Beyond the aforementioned religious polarizations and discrepancies, the Zionist elites are divided due to the Freemasonic and the Jesuit infiltration tendencies among them; one group of them sides with the richest Zionist families of the world and the Jesuit Pope Francis I, whereas the other side of the Zionist establishment (typically expressed by Netanyahu) is a strong and committed ally of the Freemasonic part of the English, French and American establishments (W. Churchill, F. D. Roosevelt, Ch. de Gaulle, and more recently M. Thatcher, R. Reagan, and D. Trump).
D- The Eschatological Use of the Pashtuns and the Zionist Project
Of course, the ‘Greater Israel Project’ is a fact on which Zionist politicians, academics, military, agents, journalists, etc. have been working on daily basis over the past decades. You understand that preparing many options for an enormous project like that is not an easy affair; among other issues, the Zionist schemers have to find out the populations that will inhabit the vast territory after Israel takes control over it (if this ever happens).
There is a messianic prophecy in the Bible as per which there will be a vast state “from Euphrates to the Nile”. The reference is the Book of Prophet Isaiah 27:12; the Biblical verse reads: “In that day, from the river Euphrates to the Brook of Egypt, the Lord will thresh out the grain, and you will be gleaned one by one, oh people of Israel”! This is taken by the Zionists as “full Biblical corroboration and justification of the Greater Israel Project”.
There are several versions (or scenarios) of Greater Israel; but the beginning is the same always: the so-called ‘Greater Middle East’ – where –supposedly- all the indigenous nations and ethnic-religious groups will enjoy freedom and self-determination.Fragmentation heralds restructuring and reunification, after many dozens of millions die.
If today’s Zionist plan is to achieve the formation of a vast state like that, they will have to guarantee a detrimental increase in the ‘Aliyah’ movement; this Modern Hebrew term denotes the immigration of Ashkenazi Khazarians and Sephardic Jews from the ‘Jewish Diaspora’ to the state of Fake Israel. If they cannot rely much on this perspective, they will surely have to fill it up with deceived and flattered victims from Asia and Africa to whom the old story about the “Return of the Ten Lost Tribes” will be told not as historical truth but as a mischievous parody. Actually, you already know very well how a similar operation was undertaken in the past (for different purposes; that is true). That operation was also useful as a guideline or a manual. I am referring now to the story of the Falashas (or ‘Beta Israel’), which started in 1979 and culminated in 1991 with the notorious Operation Solomon (24-25 May 1991).
The so prosperous destiny of the Falashas (eulogized as a first, ‘identified’, part of the Ten Lost Tribes of Ancient Israel) in the streets of Tel Aviv – always under the auspices of the Zionist state!
So, you have to see Simcha Jacobovici’s documentary in its real dimensions; in fact, it is just one of the numerous propaganda items with which the Zionist establishment tries over the time to prepare the population of the fake state of Israel subliminally and consciously about the forthcoming ‘arrival’ of their ‘brethren’. I am sure that you already have an idea about the racist treatment that the Falashas have faced in the Zionist state; something similar will also happen to all the naïve Pashtuns and others who one day may find it opportune to move to the ‘Greater Israel’.
In any case, it is not only a matter of documentaries, books, articles and features in Israeli newspapers; neither is it an issue of educational brainwash and sociopolitical propaganda. It is also a vast undertaking at the level of academic research; hundreds of Zionist students (either from Israel or the US or other countries) get every year stipendiums and scholarships to travel to various countries and there to study all possible details of Ethnography, Social Anthropology, History, History of Religion, Literature, and Linguistics that concern various tribes with traits, rites, rituals, traditions and cults that appear even slightly similar with those of the Ashkenazi Khazarians.
After the early collected data is duly studied, secret agents undertake a different approach, trying to explain the benefits for the tribe in question to eventually relocate to the fake state of Israel. At this level, even elementary courses of Modern Hebrew are taught locally. This process lasts long, eventually several decades. Then, these earlier heedless tribal chieftains come to ‘learn’ that they are something incredibly important and that they can find the Paradise on Earth, just in the Zionist state!!!
It is not only about the Pashtuns; surely the Mossad targets indeed several Pashtun tribes in view of a beneficial relocation to the Zionist state in the future. But they are not the only. There are many other tribes contacted and targeted here and there. This ongoing program involves people from Kashmir, India, Japan, South Africa, Nigeria and even America (Native Amerindians).
In fact, the Zionists found in the issue of the “Return of the Ten Lost Tribes” an embarrassing concept that could function as dynamite in the foundations of their state, but they tried to turn it against the Freemasons. Finally, the filthy and corrupt Pashtuns, who operated for 300 years as agents of the English colonials, can surely perform as lackeys of the Ashkenazi Khazarians for another 300 years and eventually relocate to Iraq, Syria or Jordan anytime the opportunity may be offered to them. Why not? An apartment in Tel Aviv is surely more comfortable than the makeshift huts of Peshawar in which the fake Muslim Pakistani politicians and military undeservedly condemned their people for their lifetime.
After all, the Pashtun relocation as a phantasmagoric pseudo-return may surpass that of the unfortunate Falashas! And who knows? From Khyber Pass, some Afridi Pashtuns may one day find themselves enjoyably settled in Khaybar, a lovely oasis which is presently located in NW Saudi Arabia. I must confess that over the span of the last decades, I have noticed that the Ashkenazi Khazarians express so much love and nostalgia for the NW part of today’s Arabia!!! Look at the links below:
You may eventually ask me what will happen with the religion of the Afridi Pashtuns, who still happen to be Muslim; I guess that little money will solve this problem. After all, if the sexually perverse sheikhs of Bahrain, Emirates and Oman established already relations with the Zionist state, why should the impoverished Afridi Pashtuns be so adamant and intransigent?
At the end of the day, they may even learn in some well-organized seminars that Islam is just a Jewish heresy, and that the Quran was merely copied from several sacred books, eventually the Gospel of the Nazarenes, i.e. the Christian Jews who were mentioned by Fathers of the Christian Church in the 4th c. Known as based in Syria, the Nazarenes were still view as noxious heretics by the increasingly intolerant Christian Church; it is therefore quite plausible that some of them migrated to Hejaz and more particularly to Yathrib.
Other Western scholars pretend that the Ebionites exercised a more determinant impact on the formulation of the Quran and the formation of Early Islam. Currently,
a great number of scholars undertake extensive and often biased research about the Jewish involvement in the formation of Islam and the elaboration of the Quran. If not one Muslim scholar can oppose them, and if the uneducated and useless Muslim sheikhs do not even monitor (let alone refute) these publications, why should the Afridi Pashtuns bother to care after all?
What follows is my response to a Turkish friend, who -a while back- wrote a separate email to ask me whether I knew a French book written by an anonymous author and published in the 19th c., about a nation that never existed: the Greeks. The book was published (in 1870) in order to circulate among representatives of the 19th c. French colonial establishment and thus ‘educate’ the various tenants of that state about the French state’s doctrine about the topic.
In and by itself, this book proves that the colonial historiography is a fallacy engineered by bogus-scholars, who acted like agents of falsehood and state functionaries, promoting all deceptions and forgeries needed for the criminal policy of their state.
The colonial needs of France and England imposed the creation of a racist, anti-Ottoman, anti-Turanian, and anti-Islamic state located at the southern end of the Balkan Peninsula that they would utilize every now according to the anti-Ottoman targets of Paris and London. The local inhabitants were not ‘Greek’, and had no relation with the various ancient tribes of South Balkans, which were collectively called by many different names (one of which was ‘Greeks’).
Unrelated to the indigenous Ancient Pelasgians, peripheral to the Ancient Macedonians, Illyrians, Thracians, Phrygians, Lydians, Carians and Lycians, the so-called Ancient Greek tribes killed one another mercilessly and to the last, until they gradually vanished from History, without leaving any other memory than ceaseless bloodshed, pseudo-religious fornication, pseudo-theoretical nonsense called ‘Philosophy’, and lawless dissident states whereby the ignorant, immoral and pathetic magistrates did not want divine rule over them. All factors of some value that have been found among them were the lowest elements of Oriental civilizations diffused across the South Balkans throughout the millennia.
Theater is a religious representation invented in Ancient Egypt; as such it was incomprehensible to the spiritually impotent and culturally defective Athenians. Consequently, the Ancient Egyptian Theater was degraded by the Athenian fools into farcical and spiritually nonsensical plays deprived of anything divine and transcendental.
Philosophy was not a target for the Ancient Ionians; instead, Wisdom (‘Sophia’) was. However, Wisdom and Spirituality were the privilege of the Assyrians, the Hittites, the Babylonians, the Egyptians, and the Iranians. Since the Ancient Ionians were the low level students of the Mesopotamian, Anatolian and Egyptian high priests and spiritual masters, they could not achieve ‘wisdom’ and they were therefore satisfied to limit themselves to the mere search of wisdom, which is exactly what ‘philosophy’ means. In fact, in the Ancient Greek dialects, ‘philosophia’ is a clearly derogatory term. Opposite to ‘sophia’, ‘philosophia’ sounds like ‘monkey’ opposite to ‘human’.
Democracy existed in Carthage since the very moment of the foundation of the colony of the Phoenician kingdom of Tyre in Africa; in Athens and elsewhere in South Balkans, Phoenician colons diffused this system of governance. The Ancient Macedonian (i.e. non-Greek) philosopher Aristotle described in detail the republican-democratic system of the Carthaginians (Politics, book 2: 11), but due to the revival of Roman Anti-Semitism in Modern Times, this historical truth is concealed by the French academia. But Aristotle did not say a word about the barbarian contamination of Ancient Athens…
After the French academia fabricated the nonexistent ancient nation of ‘Greeks’, they wanted to prolong its existence down to the Christian-Muslim times. However, the survivors of the Ancient Ionians intermingled with many Anatolian, Balkan and other nations, notably the Romans, and accepted Roman political ideology, becoming ‘Roman citizens’ thanks to the Constitutio Antoniniana (the famous Edict of Caracalla, 212 CE). After they accepted Christianity, they dissociated themselves from the Ancient Greeks, who were viewed as the world’s most barbaric abomination. Even more significantly, the Ionians of the Christian times named themselves ‘Oriental Romans’, and after the division of the empire ‘Eastern Roman Empire’.
The French academia promoted then the fallacious and deceptive term ‘Byzantine Studies’ and ‘Byzantine Empire’, projecting the name of the Pre-Christian Ionian colony of Byzantium onto the Roman Christian city “Nova Roma’ (New Rome), which was later called Constantinople and Istanbul. Sheer dementia and ostensible viciousness…
After all these lies, there was only one more fallacy to be invented: the otherwise nonexistent link of ‘continuity’ among
a) the disparate tribes of the Antiquity that were collectively called ‘Greeks’, although they never set up a united state of their own;
b) the Christian Eastern Romans, who formed a multi-ethnic, multi-religious, and multi-lingual imperial state, dissociating themselves from the Anti-Christian ‘Greeks’; and
c) the modern descendants of the Christian Eastern Romans, who were calling themselves ‘Romioi’ (Rumlar), their nation ‘Romeiko’, and their various languages ‘Romeika’.
This fabricated link of pseudo-continuity produced by the French academics is exactly what this fallacious manual calls as «Les Grecs à toutes les époques», i.e. «The Greeks throughout History».
The book attempts therefore to present the ‘Greeks in all the epochs’ in a gravely sick effort of indoctrination that was applied to all French state functionaries, who had to reproduce this bogus-historical dogma wherever they were. With manuals like that, French and English diplomats, agents, explorers, merchants, antiquarians and fake scholars fooled and aptly manipulated the Balkan and Anatolian populations of the Christian Eastern Romans, who belonged to the Ottoman Empire. They convinced them to betray their own country, i.e. the Ottoman Empire, “because they were supposedly the ‘glorious’ descendants of the Ancient Greeks”; by so doing, the English and French colonial gangsters managed to monstrously destroy the identity, language and religion of the Christian Eastern Romans, while promising them a new great state that would replace the Ottoman Empire. The modern pseudo-state of Greece is what is left from those fake colonial promises.
The Ottoman Empire failed to timely find such publications, identify the hidden intentions of the gangsters who wrote them, and prevent the ensued developments. The conclusion is simple: the most difficult war is not carried out against military regiments, but against the evil pseudo-scholars of the Anti-Christian Western European and North American states of the Post-Renaissance times.
Response to a Turkish friend about the book ‘Les Grecs à toutes les époques’ of anonymous author
……………………………………..
Now, I will respond to your question about the cover of the French book.
Yes, I knew the entire series of 19th c. French books “Pour la Question d’ Orient”.
The title «Les Grecs à toutes les époques» means «The Greeks throughout History».
As you see on the inner cover page, it is written by an anonymous author self-styled as «un ancien diplomate en Orient», which means «a former diplomat in the Orient». As it is the practice in every French book (in contrast with the English system), you have the list of contents at the end — on pages 433-436 of the book (starting with page 441/448 of the Pdf file).
Scholarly (academically or scientifically or intellectually) the value of the book is nil.
It goes without saying that every book published by an author, who does not present his true name, is an academically worthless book.
And so this book is as regards the History of ‘Ancient Greece’.
It is not only a forgery and a falsification, but a very low level dissertation, if compared with academic bibliography that was published in the second half of the 19th c. about ‘Ancient Greece’.
Even more so, the book was not written with the ambition to be one of the best treatises of its time about the topic mentioned in the title.
However, the book has a tremendous value within a totally different sector of Humanities.
Its value can be revealed within the context of Western Colonialism, Hellenism, Orientalism, and the creation of the (inspired by the French) Modern Greek (: colonial) political, academic, intellectual establishment.
Furthermore, the book is very important for anyone, who wants to know details about the formation of the bogus historical dogma that the Modern Greek state imposed dictatorially in Modern Greece across all levels and sectors: primary and secondary education, universities and academic life, political ideology, publishing houses and books, newspapers and mass media in general.
Within these sectors, the book epitomizes what role France wanted to give to the Modern Greek state and how France instructed and educated Modern Greek politicians, diplomats, public sector employees, military, academics, journalists, high school teachers, theologians, priests, and intellectuals (in brief, the entire Greek regime in all its aspects).
As a matter of fact, what this book stipulated in … 1870 (!) is now believed as «historical truth», as «importance of the Greek civilization», and as «the diachronic contribution of Hellenism to the World History» among the colonial academia, the average French, English, other Western European nations, and the fake nation of ‘Modern Greeks’. The constructed, fake term of ‘Hellenism’ is conceived as the ‘cultural and ethnic/racial continuity of the Greek nation across History’, so for 3500 years. Such notion never existed. And all these silly descriptions are pure lies.
Hellenism is a nonexistent, evil ghost for racists who reject the historical truth that Cyprus -as an island- belongs to Asia, whereas Crete and Sicily are by definition African islands, and they were never considered as ‘European territory’ throughout History.
Today, all the paragons of the dictatorial Greek establishment believe about the fake, fabricated Greek nation the historical falsehood that this book presents as «true history» and as «extraordinary importance of the Greek nation diachronically». No challenge is allowed or tolerated, and no scholar can survive in that God-damned state, if he rejects the evil and racist pseudo-historical dogma that is imposed in a more totalitarian manner than Nazism in Hitler’s Germany and Marxism-Leninism in Stalin’s USSR.
Saying this, I don’t mean that this book was necessarily studied by Modern Greek politicians, diplomats, public sector employees, military, academics, journalists, high school teachers, theologians and priests, intellectuals, after 1870 and down to our days.
No! Perhaps very few Greeks knew this book at the time, and even fewer know about it today. But …………
1- Whatever French historians, archaeologists, philologists, philosophers, theologians, ethnographers, art historians, historians of religion, intellectuals and thinkers wrote and taught about Greece — either in books and articles exclusively related to Greece or in books and articles pertaining to other topics but which contained a brief reference to anything about Greece — was a reflection or repetition, expansion or explanation, consolidation or re-affirmation of what was contained in this book, from those days until now (so for no less than 150 years).
2- Similarly, all Greek historians, archaeologists, philologists, philosophers, theologians, ethnographers, art historians, historians of religion, intellectuals and thinkers, who studied in France (or attended classes in Greece with professors who had studied in France), repeated the teachings and the texts, the ideas and the propaganda of their French professors and masters.
3- Even more importantly, all the historians, archaeologists, philologists, philosophers, theologians, ethnographers, art historians, historians of religion, intellectuals and thinkers of other nations (from Belgium, to Argentina, Mexico, Canada, Algeria, Lebanon, Iran, India, Cambodia, Vietnam, Japan, Russia, Poland, Romania, etc.), who studied in France (or attended classes in their respective countries’ universities with professors who had studied in France), repeated the teachings and the texts, the ideas and the propaganda of their French professors and masters.
In brief, this book is the epitome of what the top of the entire French academic-intellectual elite (and consequently, France itself at the most official level) has believed, taught, diffused and propagated worldwide about Greece and the Greeks (from the Antiquity to the end of the 19th c.) — all social, educational, professional levels included.
This book could therefore be given another, clearer and most summarizing title: «the historical falsehood that France created and imposed worldwide about Greece» or «the official position of France about all things Greek».
In a simple manner, one can describe quite accurately this book as a «guidebook for colonial masters and their puppets».
Practically speaking, there is nothing said in the book that is not believed, said and propagated by villainous persons like Macron, Hollande, Sarkozy, etc.
However, this is not the only book authored by this anonymous author (or these anonymous authors); there were many other similar books that epitomized France’s position toward countries that the colonial regime of France wanted to educate, form according to the interests of Paris, and incorporate in the supreme plan in view of the (then impending and surely attempted) global Empire of France.
Another similar book is this: «Le Dossier russe dans la question d’Orient: la politique de la Russie envers la Pologne et la Turquie», published in 1869 («The Affair ‘Russia’ in the Oriental Issue: Russia’s policy toward Poland and Turkey»). Notice that both books were published at the time of the French Empire (under Napoleon III)! Quite interestingly, this book focuses on Czarist Russia’s policies toward «Poland» and «Turkey»! However, at those days, there was no Poland, because that land was divided between Prussia (and later Germany) and Russia.
Also, the appellation of the Ottoman Empire as «Turkey» was very typical policy of 18th-19th c. France and England.
This policy applied also to Safavid/Afshar/Qajar Iran; it was distorted as «Persia». But Iran is not Persia, and Persia is not Iran.
This policy applied also to the Mughal Empire, the Gorkanian of Delhi; it was distorted as «India», which is a fake term for the entire subcontinent, because for the Ancient Iranians, «Hindush» (India) was basically a mere satrapy, i.e. an administrative province at the eastern confines of the vast Achaemenid Empire. The Iranian territory designated by this term was small and included parts of the today’s provinces Sindh and Punjab of Pakistan and Rajasthan of India. The term was later used by the Greeks and the Romans, but -again- it never denoted the entire subcontinent. About: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hindush
The contents of this book explain in what points Czarist Russian policy opposed the imperial plans of France in the cases of the Poles (in Eastern Europe) and the Ottoman Empire. You can find this second book (about Russia) here:
I came first to know about these two books, when I was a postgraduate student in France (1978-1981). I then came to know that these forged documents were extremely important for the colonial and messianic/apocalyptic plans or agendas of the Jesuits, the Freemasons, and the Zionists in the 19th c. At those days, these secret societies (or groups of power) and the colonial countries (that they controlled and used) deployed their foremost effort to turn the then world into what the world has become today.
There are many other similar texts determining to newly initiated Freemasons, Jesuits and Zionists what the respective organization’s plans are — per topic or region (Russia, Serbs, Greeks, Northwest Africa, Turkey, Caucasus, Mesopotamia, Iran, Egypt, Sudan, Abyssinia, etc.). Thanks to your email, I made a small online research; I then found that the book about the Greeks is already translated in Turkish. You can find it here:
This is a simple thing to do. However, if someone tried to explain why, how, and in what one pseudo-historical point (: a historical distortion) made in the book is politically useful to the French, he would have to expand much, but he would bring forth impressive and unexpected results. The reason is simple: few people worldwide know why the colonial powers needed the specific lies and historical distortions that they produced, when invading a territory either in Asia or in Africa. But in these points are hidden all their secret plans.
Another issue related to both books is the life of the publisher, Edouard Dentu:
He was associated with the Mormons, a branch of Freemasons related to a group of Zionists. Dentu was known for his powerful connections, his involvement in Black Magic, and many other evil activities. Here you can get a small idea about who this disreputable person was: https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C3%89douard_Dentu#cite_note-3
The conclusion is simple.
The Ottoman Empire was a useless and self-disastrous state that failed to have agents working in France and able to catch documents like that. The worthless Ottoman sultans, the stupid sheikhulislams and theologians, and the entire court and administration were totally unable to understand what was under preparation under their nose (without them understanding anything) and how close the total obliteration of their state was.
The Ottomans sultans, like the shahs of Iran and the Mughal emperors, were idiotic enough to believe that victories can happen in the battlefields. That’s stupid.
The real victories are a matter of intellect. Good or evil, it does not matter. A good but stupid person will always be defeated by an evil but intelligent person.
Of course, all this colonial work of historical falsification is evil. But it was greatly successful for those who undertook it. Why? Because due to this forgery, the Ottomans were thrown out of almost all of their provinces!
And without Kemal Ataturk, there would never be Turkey today. On the contrary, there would be some Greek provinces in «Constantinople» and in Western Anatolia; Armenia would be extended as far in the West as Malatya; there would be a Kurdistan and a Greek Pontus state; and Antakya would be part of Syria.
You want to know what would happen in Cappadocia?
If there was no Kemal Ataturk, in Central Anatolia, there would be 5-10 small Turkish states (Kayseri, Sivas, Konya, Yozgat, Amasya, etc.) stupidly fighting against one another, as it happens nowadays in Somalia, Afghanistan, Nigeria, Sudan, Yemen, Iran, Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, Libya, etc. This is what the colonial powers want for Turkey: the final solution for Anatolia.
The only chance for a country to oppose the colonial regimes of France, England, US, Israel, Holland, Canada, Australia, etc. is to present in public the evilness of the colonial agenda, by revealing how, why, and in what each historical falsification helped the colonials to setup today’s evil world. All the rest is useless, because the colonial powers can easily oppose and quickly destroy their enemies.
But the revelation of the colonial agenda’s needs for historical falsification will enrage the colonial powers to total paranoia.
Either you like it or not, it will be like this: either this (as I suggested) will happen or the nuclear extermination under preparation will take place.
This is all about this book!
Edouard Dentu!!! Hahaha!! Good publisher!
Do you know who his friend was?
Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, the anarchist!
The evil guy who said that «property is theft»!
Who believes this today?
The Satanic fake pope of Rome! Francis I: the Jesuit pope! A gangster worshipping Satan by Black Magic techniques, the fake pope of the homosexual marriages!
Benedict XVI was far better; incomparably better. And everything he said about Muslims was up-to-the-point!
Exploring the Inexorable Constellation of Kemal Ataturk
A tribute in loving memory …
Contents
I. Several 20th-century Statesmen
II. What it takes to be a Statesman
III. The Dreadful Disaster that Kemal Ataturk averted
IV. Kemal Ataturk compared to Several Western Statesmen
V. Who was the Real, Historical Kemal Ataturk?
VI. Kemal Ataturk & Lenin: today’s Islamists are closer to Lenin
VII. Kemal Ataturk, Islamic Spirituality, and the Secular Nature of the Islamic State
VIII. Kemal Ataturk and the Origins of his Spirituality: an Embarrassment for All Western States and Secret Societies
IX. Kemal Ataturk and the Nature of his Accomplishments
X. Kemal Ataturk’s Everlasting Legacy and Turkey’s Betrayers
A – The Islamists
B – The Pan-Turanianists
C – The Kemalists
Many people consider Hitler as the world’s greatest 20th-century statesman, but the Führer (1889-1945) was still fighting when almost the entire territory of his earlier expanded country was already invaded by foreign armies; if we don’t take into consideration the factors ‘failure’, ‘results’, ‘endurance’, ‘posterity’ and ‘legacy’ when evaluating statesmen, then eventually anyone of them could be described as ‘the world’s greatest statesman’.
I. Several 20th-century Statesmen
Hitler’s legacy was rejected in his own country by means of military victory of his enemies, and Germany remains still occupied by World War II’s victorious allies 75 years after Hitler’s disappearance. This is not an example to follow.
Others show a predilection for an array of Communist theorists and dictators, finally selecting one of them as the world’s greatest 20th-century statesman: Lenin (1870-1924), Stalin (1878-1953), Mao (1893-1976) or even Fidel Castro (1916-2016). The differences among these undoubtedly influential personalities are great, but none of them left enduring state structures, although all of them marked their times with tumult. Lenin’s theory about the dictatorship of the proletariat was swept away by his successor; Stalin’s appalling practices had nothing to do with anything written by Marx, Engels, Lenin and many other theorists whose either incomprehensible or debased concepts fascinated mostly those who never understood them; thank God, Nikita Khrushchev (1894-1971; Никита Сергеевич Хрущёв) terminated that lethal legacy. And today, 29 years after the fall of the Soviet Union, only the inhuman paranoids of today’s totally corrupt American Left attempt to revive a most farcical version of those statesmen’s worthless concepts and absurd theories that evidently disfigured and calamitously destroyed Russia.
Only 44 years after his death, Mao (毛泽东) has almost no place, even as a picture, on the walls of Zhongnanhai (中南海), the Chinese Imperial Gardens that became the headquarters of the Communist Party of China (中國共產黨), and on the walls of the central government (State Council). Memorabilia from an almost totally forgotten past, the hammer and sickle are by now amiable decorative themes for participants to watch every five years in the otherwise meaningless and ceremonial, national congresses of the CPC. In all of these cases of statesmen, legacy is tantamount to irreverence.
Several other 20th-century statesmen are still revered for the political marketing needs of the decayed states of Western Europe and North America: Roosevelt (1882-1945), Churchill (1874-1965) or even the picturesque and tragi-comical figure of Charles de Gaulle (1890-1970). Since the needs for this deceptive propaganda are related to today’s politics, one realizes quasi-automatically that these personalities are still referred to by the criminal forgers of the Western World’s mainstream media and by the various representatives of the lawless regimes of the West only for the commemoration of the 20th century’s most nefarious and most disastrous event, i.e. the allied victory in 1945. But for the outright majority of the Mankind, these nonexistent statesmen, who were mere caretakers in times of war, are totally insignificant or rather unknown. In fact, they left no legacy, because their deeds had nothing ingenious, nothing innovative, and nothing inventive.
There were certainly important statesmen during the 20th c., but it would be absurd to consider as great statesman someone who either introduced catastrophic innovations or viewed his tenure as a mere service to the cause of an immoral and inhuman regime’s continuity – and this is the type of regime that prevailed in England, the United States, and France during the 18th, 19th, and 20th centuries. Neither can a statesman be viewed as great, if his deeds impacted negatively or even disastrously vast parts of the world. In this sense, Georges Clémenceau (1841-1929), Lloyd George (1863-1945), and Woodrow Wilson (1856-1924) were as disastrous and as ominous as Hitler or Stalin, because, due to their deeds, practices, choices and decisions, more people were either involved in unnecessary strives, rebellions, battles, and wars or oppressed and persecuted, killed and massacred in Asia, Africa and Europe than those persecuted or killed by the aforementioned German and Soviet statesmen. However, for the needs of generation comparison, one must admit that the three Western statesmen of World War I were ostensibly superior to their WWII counterparts.
II. What it takes to be a Statesman
All accounts made, a remarkable statesman must
i- accurately discern the environment in which he finds himself, see the past and the recent developments in perspective, and identify exactly where they lead to, if no other factors intervene and no effective reaction is undertaken,
ii- dissociate himself from a flawed, immoral, hypocritical, tyrannical, and nefarious regime,
iii- identify the real, diachronic values of his culture and land, act accordingly, and eventually reinstate them,
iv- demonstrate virtue as per the terms of his nation’s historical traditions and moral values,
v- become known for his ingenious choices, decisions and practices,
vi- deliver innovative and inventive approaches to the needs of his society,
vii- defend, promote, consolidate and expand national identity and cultural integrity,
viii- found, transform or restructure a state that will be exemplary, enduring and based on Justice, Equality, Equity, Truthfulness, Solidarity, and Love,
ix- re-organize or re-engineer his society toward knowledge, wisdom, creativity, productivity, equilibrium and tolerance,
x- promote individual initiative, amelioration and expansibility, and
xi- be an example in terms of accurate perception, conceptual and active thinking, self-criticism, adaptability, and alternative option identification.
III. The Dreadful Disaster that Kemal Ataturk averted
The search for the world’s greatest statesmen is a quest for human advance. People have the tendency to turn to sizeable or powerful states in order to identify great statesmen; that’s an extremely wrong practice. Across History, great states involve basically unimportant rulers; the great sovereigns are an exception in the great states. Either in a small or big country, a great statesman is certainly someone, who can go against the stream, stop the decay, and reverse the trend. And this is exactly what Kemal Ataturk did to the Ottoman Empire, which was abandoned for Türkiye Cumhuriyeti (Republic of Turkey) to rise totally unrelated to, and absolutely unaffected by, the otherwise agonizing caliphate’s burdens, crimes, errors and decadence.
Even among Turkey’s most enthusiastic admirers and supporters of Kemal Ataturk, today many fail to realize that, without Kemal Ataturk, the entire territory of Turkey would be divided into many parts, which would be annexed and administered by either local elites ‘educated’ (i.e. taught how to hate their own land and those of the neighbors) in Western capitals or the criminal colonial regimes of the West that were setup by the historical enemies of Anatolia (i.e. the fake Popes of Rome, the Franks and the Anglo-Normans) as per below:
a) a part of Western Anatolia, Eastern Thrace, and Constantinople (in that case not Istanbul anymore) for Greece,
b) a part of Eastern Anatolia from Kars and Rize down to Malatya for Armenia,
c) a northeastern part of Anatolia for a minor coastal Pontus state,
d) a southeastern part of Anatolia for a multinational (Zaza, Turkmen, Kurmanji, Aramaean Christian, Arabic-speaking, and Yazidi) state fallaciously called “Kurdistan” (which would be plunged into interminable strife, war, oppression and massacres),
e) a minor southern part (Antioch/Antakya) that would be disastrously placed under French colonial rule, and
f) another southern part (from Mersin to Bodrum) under Italian mandate.
Even worse, the rest of the territory, i.e. the Central Anatolian plateau of Cappadocia (which means ca. 25% of today’s Turkey’s territory), would be deliberately plunged into incessant strives and civil wars generated by the colonial powers, which would greatly utilize all the idiotic Muslim theologians, ignorant muftis, uneducated cadis, uncultured sheikhs and lunatic imams for their colonial plans that all these cretins had no chance in a billion to possibly identify, let alone oppose (as it happened in the case of so many French and English colonies in Africa and Asia). Therefore, an enormous ethnic cleansing, an atrocious genocide, and a real Christian Reconquista in Anatolia would ensue (if Kemal Ataturk did not appear as a deus ex machina), totally changing the face of the wider region between Italy and Iran, which was at the time another great Islamic empire (under the Qajar dynasty) at the brink of total collapse and disintegration, just like the Ottoman Empire.
All this was prevented only because of Kemal Ataturk.
IV. Kemal Ataturk compared to Several Western Statesmen
Through another viewpoint and in comparison with the other three great European monarchies that collapsed in the aftermath of WWI, the founder of Modern Turkey
i) first, managed to save the inhabitants of the parts of the Ottoman Empire that he controlled, namely he achieved to
a) thwart the colonial invasion, which would be disguised under the lawless and criminal name of ‘Mandate’,
b) liberate the people from the burden of the past and from the darkness and the ignorance of the Ottoman Empire, which had already fallen in decay since the end of the 16th c. (date in which the Islamic Civilization ended),
c) rescue the people from the absurd and paranoid pseudo-Islamic theology of the Istanbulite indoctrinated ulemas, and
d) fully rehabilitate and empower the people, thus making them able to compete at the international level – in striking contrast with what happened in backward Syria, Iraq, Egypt, Yemen, Algeria, etc. whereby the compact imposition of Western colonialism triggered all the chaotic reactions that ended up with Islamic terrorism. and
ii) second, ensured that all the inhabitants of Modern Turkey avoided the following disastrous conditions that befell on Russia, Germany and Austria-Hungary:
a) the unprecedented persecution, the inhuman slavery, and the incredible horrors and hecatombs that the criminal ruling minority of Soviet Union reserved for all the populations of Czarist Russia that were not lucky enough to have the destiny of the Baltic states and other western extremities of the Romanov realm,
b) the descent into the nether world that the Germans have experienced, after the departure of Kaiser and until today, because Germany is still not an independent state, because the country has been governed by an alien elite, which consists of puppets of the Allied Occupation, and for this reason, this elite does not express in any sense, let alone defend, the German national interests, and
c) the irrevocable pulverization of Austria-Hungary {which was dismembered and its territory was distributed into twelve (12) states (as of today), after the lawless treaties of Saint-Germain-en-Laye (1919) and Trianon (1920): Italy (Tyrol), Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia, Romania, Ukraine, Czechia, Slovakia, Poland, Hungary and Austria.
In other words, Kemal Ataturk’s Turkey did not experience
– either the massacres and the destructions that took place in Germany (1919-2020) and Russia (1917-1991)
– or the fragmentation that was imposed on Austria-Hungary after 1919.
Similarly with the territories lost to Austria, the Ottoman lands robbed by the colonial powers (namely today’s Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Palestine, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Qatar, and UAE) constituted the majority of the Ottoman territory; however, in striking difference with the Central European monarchy, the territories lost for the Sublime Porte (باب عالی / Bab-i Ali) were insignificant, marginal, and to large extent, they were empty deserts.
Kemal Ataturk died in Istanbul at 9:05 am of Thursday, 10 November 1938. How symbolic! How impressively does it highlight the diametrically opposed world concepts of Ataturk and Hitler! In fact, Ataturk died after the terrible Kristallnacht was over! Since then 82 years have passed.
If the legacies of Hitler, Lenin, Stalin, and Mao are by now extinct, rejected and mostly reviled, can one claim that the political heritage left by either the WWI generation of colonial statesmen (Georges Clémenceau, Lloyd George, and Woodrow Wilson) or their WWII counterparts (Roosevelt, Churchill and Charles de Gaulle) has survived?
Although today’s Western countries and sociopolitical elite pretend to represent a continuity of sociopolitical, economic, intellectual and academic tradition, in reality they serve purposes, they believe theories, they diffuse delusions, they promote practices, and they implement agendas that are at the antipodes of the world as conceived, desired and respected by both earlier generations of Western statesmen.
Despite their fake claims that they respect freedom of speech, today’s Western statesmen prohibit free speech and penalize everyone, who denies the falsehood of the so-called Holocaust and the forgery of the so-called Armenian Genocide. At the same time, they conceal other, real (i.e. planned) and worse genocides, like the Oromo Genocide carried out by the Amhara Abyssinians in Eastern Africa over the past 150 years and the Turanian Genocide carried out in Russia over the past 450 years, after the Muscovite expansion undertaken by Ivan IV the Terrible (Иван Грозный). The Western World’s bogus-‘freedom of speech’ means that you demand ‘freedom’ for the ‘Kurds’ (who are not one nation, but many different nations, namely Kurmanji, Zazaki, Bahdinani, Yazidi, Shabak, Sorani, Gorani, Faili, Ahl-e Haq, Hawrami, Ardalani, etc.), but not for France’s oppressed and persecuted nations, i.e. the Basks, the Corsicans, the Catalans, the Occitans, the Alsatians and the Bretons.
Due to grave distortion of concepts, total disregard of values, and absolute perversion of connotation, Western European bogus-freedom ended up in criminal acts (abortion), abnormal practices (homosexual marriages), and corruptive operations (adoption of children by homosexual ‘couples’).
Gender-based linguistic tyranny and demented dogmatism, mainstream media dictatorship, social media degeneration, lifestyle debasement, educational degradation, and finance capitalism laced with the idiotic Modern Monetary Theory brought fourth destructive conditions of socioeconomic-sociopolitical life that would have been totally denounced as defective, nefarious and inhuman by all the aforementioned Western statesmen of the 20th c.
In other words, today’s West has nothing to do with early 20th c.’s West anymore, and the above mentioned WWI and WWII statesmen’s heritage is null and void.
Contrarily to the Soviet Union and to Nazi Germany, Kemal Ataturk’s Turkey still survives; contrarily to the morally degenerated Western European and North American states and societies, Kemal Ataturk’s Turkey demonstrated impressive resistance to social corruption, lifestyle decay, and cultural decomposition; and contrarily to today’s China, Kemal Ataturk’s Turkey did not shift from Mao’s version of Communism to the mixed socialist market economy that Xi Jinping (1953-; 习近平) has successfully managed to keep in balance.
But has Kemal Ataturk’s legacy survived?
V. Who was the Real, Historical Kemal Ataturk?
Kemal Ataturk was not a man of theories, ideas, and words; he was a man of action, deeds and effective practicality. Many theorists and ideologists wanted and tried to implement concepts and ideas; but their effort ended up in monstrous deliveries about which all realized that they were at astronomical distance from the original thought. Contrarily to the delusional theories of these ominous persons and to their calamitous implementations, there was never a theory or ideology such as “Kemalism”.
Kemal Ataturk did not write a treatise, did not compose any theory, and did not elaborate an ideology about
– how 20th c. Muslims can best organize their societies and establish a pertinent system of governance that will enable them to fully compete with the world’s leading states,
– the way Turkic nations can achieve national independence, comprehend historical identity, preserve cultural integrity, set up a fully functional and efficient system of governance, and establish an interstate organization, and
– the method through which Anatolia would synchronize with Western Europe and North America in the early 20th c.
He wanted only to exactly implement the correct solution to an urgent problem that would become lethal to vast populations: the problem’s name was ‘Ottoman Empire’.
As a matter of fact, Kemal Ataturk did not act based on text, program, ideology or theory, and if we refer to his early conceptualization of a state and to its ultimate implementation of the concept, we soon understand there is no such distance as the chaos that separates Marx’s theory from Lenin’s adaptation of Marxism or even the enormous space between Lenin’s published works in the 1900s or 1910s and Lenin’s newly proclaimed state in early 1924.
Only 19.5 years separate Kemal Ataturk’s death from his start as a statesman (his disembarkment in Samsun: 19 May 1919 – 10 November 1938); but if one compares his early speeches and the condition to which Turkey was risen few months before the Halâskâr Gazi (‘the victorious savior’) died, one concludes that the founder of Turkey delivered exactly what he promised. This testifies to an exceptional foresight in terms of both, human nature and human society. Ataturk understood in full depth the human being at the personal level, namely how humans function, act, perform and react; and at the same time, he realized very well the human being at the collective level, namely the way human communities tend to behave, operate, produce, create and eventually destroy their own deeds and achievements.
There is a key point of differentiation: contrarily to all theorists, ideologists and intellectuals, who rose to power, Ataturk knew exactly where each and every of his decisions was leading to. As personal qualification, this outstanding trait can be attributed to both, an innate talent and the formation of a military. Ataturk was the Geometer of Governance.
Ali Rıza oğlu Mustafa (as his original name was back in 1881) graduated from the Ottoman Military College (Istanbul) in 1905 and started then his legendary military career that brought him to the four corners of the Ottoman Empire, before making of him the great hero of Gallipoli in the portentous Battle of Çanakkale that Western historiographers rather call ‘the Dardanelles campaign’. Leading the Ottoman 5th Army (along with Enver Pasha and the German General Otto von Sanders), the then Mustafa Kemal Bey prevailed over the worldwide colonial military elite, namely the English Ian Hamilton, Herbert Kitchener, John de Robeck, William Birdwood, and Winston Churchill, and the French Henri Gouraud and Maurice Bailloud some of whom were more than 30 years older than him, therefore having enormously richer experience at the battlefield. Without a unique talent of foremost exactness of movement, Mustafa Kemal Bey would have lost the battle or even been killed.
However, the innate vocation of the young Ali Rıza oğlu Mustafa became evident quite earlier, notably when he enrolled at the Ottoman Military Academy (1899), and even earlier, when at the age of 15 (in 1896) he enrolled in the Monastir Military High School (today’s Bitola in Macedonia). His inclination toward exactness, practicality, effectiveness and discipline was however demonstrated as early as 1893, when at the age of 12, he took the entrance exam for the Salonica Military School (Selanik Askeri Rüştiyesi).
Of all the other personalities suggested as the world’s greatest 20th-century statesman, only Charles de Gaulle was a career military. These people remind us at times of the great conquerors of past historical periods; their world perception is such that they believe utterly that their deeds and achievements speak for themselves. In this regard, Kemal Ataturk is far closer to Timur (Tamerlane), to Genghis Khan, to Caesar, to Alexander, to Darius I the Great, and other earlier great Oriental monarchs.
These people never view life as related to human theories, baseless ideologies, arbitrary doctrines, useless thoughts, or circumstantial feelings and desires; these people live at a spiritually much higher level. They have -due to their intuition, education, traditions and culture- a well-structured conceptualization of the world and an accurate perception of the existing balance of power and of their abilities; then, they set their absolutely realistic targets of action and they deploy their maximum effort to achieve them. Last, to the aforementioned, they add their energy, practicality, resourcefulness, persistence and commitment.
VI. Kemal Ataturk & Lenin: today’s Islamists are closer to Lenin
Contrarily to Lenin’s action, which was a mere translation of his unrealistic theories and dogmatic ideology, Kemal Ataturk set his targets and tried to achieve them in the easiest and shortest way. Practicality involves automatically a realistic and accurate approach to and evaluation of every situation. Many opponents attempted to denigrate Kemal Ataturk as an opportunist, but this is irrelevant, because opportunism is related to theories, ideologies and efforts of materializing them. The difference between Lenin and Kemal Ataturk already at the start was tremendous.
Lenin wanted to eliminate the czarist establishment, because of his own theory and ideology. Lenin did not consider the czarist monarchy as impossible to improve and unable to catch up with the rest of the great powers; simply he did not want the monarchical system to improve, because he became captive of the theory about the dictatorship of the so-called proletariat (a nonexistent, arbitrarily formulated, entity), which he inherited from Marx and later expanded.
Quite contrarily, Kemal Ataturk wanted to improve, empower and strengthen his country; he simply knew that the Ottoman Caliphate was an impotent and obsolete institution, which -because of many reasons- was ostensibly damaging the future and the potentialities of its inhabitants, while at the same time, it was totally impossible to rectify and ameliorate. In fact, the Ottoman Empire was a dead corpse that needed merely to be buried; because of its own numerous inadequacies, misperceptions, misconceptions, malpractices, mistakes, and catastrophic inadaptability, the Sublime Porte had become the Gate of the Hell for its unfortunate inhabitants.
Due to prevailing theological rigidity, doctrinal sterility, social counter-productivity, intellectual enslavement, and economic impotence, the state of the sultans and caliphs had reached its end – already long before Mustafa Kemal was born. But Kemal Ataturk pursued his targets and fought for his cause, without theorizing about the forthcoming end of the Caliphate. When a significant part of Kemal Ataturk’s targets were already materialized (1923), it became evident to all that the Caliphate was already part of the past.
If one clearly understands the colossal difference between the empty and unwise theoretician and the experienced and high-calibered military officer, one easily comprehends how divergent their respective systems and methods of governance were. When his theories proved unrealistic, Lenin was forced to start improvising; and he did so constantly and in desperate search of a success that would never come. Quite contrarily, Kemal Ataturk did not have to advance “one step forward, two steps back” (шаг вперёд, два шага назад) like Lenin, but he went ahead like an experienced military who knows the terrain.
This clarifies the present situation very well: today’s Islamists are closer to Lenin than to Ataturk. By being totally deprived of any sense (let alone practice) of Spirituality, by incessantly desecrating a religion that they never understood and which they currently ideologize as a Modern European political ideology, all groups of Islamists only distort a cultural heritage that they never felt, studied or comprehended. So, all of them, without understanding Kemal Ataturk’s conceptualization of the world, targets, achievements and legacy, renounce hysterically his deeds and exploits.
In fact, they are merely theorizing (like Lenin did), while being totally disconnected from the down-to-earth reality. If they were able one day to get absolute power, they would destroy Turkey in months, if not weeks. Czarist Russia and the disastrous consequences of the October revolution are a very good example indeed. Similarly, if Kemal Ataturk’s Turkey were to end, immediately civil war, famine, massacres, and chaos would ensue, not because of other powers’ inimical stance to Islam (which is the typical Islamist excuse) but due to the Islamists’ absolutely unrealistic targets, ignorance and paranoia.
Extremists of both sides, Islamists and atheists alike, have constructed a fictional Kemal Ataturk against whom they have made of sorts of nonsensical reproaches and to whom they have attributed all types of lies and distortions. Kemal Ataturk was not a historian or a historian of religions, but he knew briefly and very accurately the History of Islamic Caliphates, the Islamic search for Spirituality, the decomposition of the Islamic religion across the centuries, its degradation into a worthless and purely shameless theological system whose often evil proponents were able to ‘justify’ all monstrous deeds of ignorant, inhuman and criminal caliphs, sultans and shahs. The utilization of the religion of Prophet Muhammad for the material and often monstrous purposes of governance had become an extremely lenthy and absolutely nauseating story.
Today’s pathetic sheikhs, imams and theologians are illiterate enough to think that Knowledge, Understanding, Perception and Wisdom need volumes of endless texts to be achieved; this quantitative approach is a subtly and imperceptibly formed misthought of materialistic nature that can easily destroy the Mankind. Supreme human wisdom, accurate perception, deep understanding, and creative knowledge pertain to Truth; only a qualitative approach to them allows humans to plainly attain them. One man spends 100 years in the study of 100000 volumes and learns nothing substantive, whereas another man during one initiation that lasts only few hours learns much more; and a third man in a momentary intuition gets an otherwise unreachable perception and overview of the spiritual and material reality. Real wisdom is a transcendental faculty, not a mental-material(istic) apperception, and this is so, because the mind is part of the body and therefore totally unrelated to the soul of a man.
VII. Kemal Ataturk, Islamic Spirituality, and the Secular Nature of the Islamic State
Kemal Ataturk did not reject Islam, but the petty and worthless Ottoman evildoing in the name of Islam. As early as March 1924, at the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi), he meaningfully stated:
The religion of Islam will be elevated, if it will cease to be a political instrument, as had been the case in the past.
It is very clear, through this brief sentence that, as per Kemal Ataturk’s personal evaluation and understanding, Islam had been degraded into mere theological fornication; there can never be a discussion about “elevation”, if something has not been degraded first.
Two days after Kemal Ataturk said this sentence, the degraded and God-damned Islamic Caliphate was finally abolished (3 March 1924), after having already shrunk into a wrinkled territory accommodating (in the early 20th century) less than 5% of the world’s Muslims, due to the decadence and the impotence of its worthless sultans and to the deplorable ignorance and the evil dementia of its clueless sheikhulislams.
In total contradiction to the false theories and the historical distortions propagated today by Western Orientalists and pseudo-Muslim Islamists alike, Kemal Ataturk knew that there is a vast difference between spirituality and religion, and that Islamic spirituality prevailed many times over Islamic theology throughout History, thus changing the character of the Islamic states, re-orienting them toward creativity, inventiveness, originality and expressiveness in any field, from sciences to arts to wisdom. Under those circumstances, which occurred in many different historical periods (from the Abbasids to the Buyids, the Seljuk, the Ilkhanate, the Timurids, the Safavids, and the Mughal to name a few), the real nature of the Islamic states was secular, because the Shariah was not interpreted literally as per the modern pseudo-Muslim Islamists’ manner; then in these cases, the Islamic Law was stated and recommended, but not imposed.
And indeed, Kemal Ataturk’s state was not the first secular Muslim state; however this topic is vast and goes beyond the limits of the present article. How Kemal Ataturk envisioned the state that would substitute the decadent caliphate, which were his sources of inspiration, and on what past traditions of Spirituality he was based in order to materialize his targets we can understand only when we focus on and study in-depth
– his formative years,
– his relationship with the great German mystic Rudolf von Sebottendorf (who had recovered earlier lost keys of Bektashi-Qizilbash Spirituality, and also the rites of other earlier Islamic and Oriental Orders),
– his total opposition to the Freedom and Accord Party (Hürriyet ve İtilâf Fırkası),
and
– his resolute distance from the new CUP (Committee of Union and Progress; İttihad ve Terakki Cemiyeti / إتحاد و ترقى جمعيتی) leadership (the ‘three pashas’).
However, all these topics have long remained taboo in Turkey and worldwide for various reasons. The true presentation, in-depth analysis, and correct interpretation of the aforementioned contacts and positions of Kemal Ataturk are by definition an embarrassment for today’s Turkey’s main political entities, namely
– the Islamists, who -evoking but misinterpreting the Ottoman History- represent a theoretical and ideological background that the last Ottomans totally rejected and fully repudiated as heretic,
– the Pan-Turanianists, who constitute the direct offspring of the CUP (the three pashas), and
– the Kemalists, who for many long decades obscured Kemal Ataturk’s concepts, targets, practices and heritage in order to subtly misinterpret them, adjust them to their own interests and needs, and in the process, rule in his name, but in a most opposite manner to his.
VIII. Kemal Ataturk and the Origins of his Spirituality: an Embarrassment for All Western States and Secret Societies
At the same time, the true presentation, analysis and interpretation of the aforementioned contacts and positions of Kemal Ataturk are an embarrassment for today’s Western regimes and the (severely conflicting with one another) forces, lobbies, secret societies, and various Orders that control and use governments and states, namely
1- the Zionists (all the different branches and groups), who identify in Kemal Ataturk’s concept of state (so, not exactly today’s Turkey) the only powerful state able to resume worldwide prevalence. All branches and groups of Zionism reviled Rudolf von Sebottendorf’s spiritual supremacy, because its results would cancel once for all their power and targets. For this reason, they asked the help of the Apostate Freemasonic Lodge, which is one of their allies, to disastrously disentangle Rudolf von Sebottendorf’s young disciple Adolf Hitler from his master’s authority in the early 1920s: if the German novice were to be effectively initiated, like the great Turkish Bektashi mystic, Germany would become a totally different empire and no other state would be able to oppose Berlin. In brief, Zionists were the cause of the catastrophe that befell on them.
2- the Fake Freemasons of various pseudo-rites that operate at the antipodes of the original Freemasonry, which after the mid-1930s has operated in a most surreptitious manner, pending the anticipated fracture, demolition and disappearance of both, the Fake Freemasons and the Zionists. These fake Freemasons operated against Rudolf von Sebottendorf in the 1920s, infiltrated Thule Gesellschaft that he had founded, totally distorted the rite and the works of the society, forcing the founder to leave and leading the novices, the disciples and the other members to the materialistic dementia of Nazism and to the paranoid practices of that evil political ideology. At this point, one has to recall that the state founded by Kemal Ataturk involved no politics and no ideology, which are perverse and inhuman endeavors that degenerate governance and culture.
In this regard, it is noteworthy that, the various Islamist groups, which operate as low level agents of either the various groups of Zionists or the different lodges of today’s desecrated Pseudo-Freemasonry, carry out an idiotic propaganda of defamation of Kemal Ataturk, whom they portray as Freemason, ‘Jew’ or Dönmeh (i.e. a Sabbatean crypto-Jew hypocritically converted to Islam; as a matter of fact, Sabbateans were believed to secretively perform the Kabbalist practices of Sabbatai Zevi, despite their claim that they were Muslims). All this stands in total contrast with the historical reality, because Kemal Ataturk closed all Freemasonic lodges in Turkey (1935), a fact that shows how well informed he was about the degeneration of most of the world’s Freemasonic lodges into desecrated temples of blasphemous Satanists. Actually, after losing control of Thule Gesellschaft in Germany, Rudolf von Sebottendorf returned to Turkey and lived there for some years, before further proceeding to Central Asia and Tibet.
3- the Jesuits, who supported to some extent the Pan-Turanianists after having successfully infiltrated both, Freedom and Accord Party (Hürriyet ve İtilâf Fırkası) and CUP (Committee of Union and Progress), although the latter had initially been an outfit of the Fake Freemasonry in the 19th c. Ottoman Empire.
IX. Kemal Ataturk and the Nature of his Accomplishments
As a brief commemoration of Kemal Ataturk’s groundbreaking, innovative, and resourceful accomplishments, one must point out the following:
A- Kemal Ataturk accurately discerned the wider context in which he found himself, assessed his forces, and identified where his limits were.
Kemal Ataturk did not advance against the territories of the French and British mandates, not even up to Haleb (Aleppo) and Mosul, although his vision of state could be fully implemented in Mesopotamia, Syria, Phoenicia, Palestine and beyond. Kemal Ataturk realized that his new state needed time to be re-organized and re-arranged, re-affirmed and fully homogenized. This understanding and this attitude were also demonstrated in the case of Caucasus where all the Adjarians, Abkhazians, Azeris, Circassians, Dagestanis and Chechens would very much welcome a union with Turkey. And it was also shown as regards Iran, a country that has always been home to Turanian nations because in reality Iran and Turan have been identical throughout History.
B- Kemal Ataturk took gradually distance from his own state.
Seeing the ailing Ottoman Empire’s impotency and proven disability to cope with the imperative needs of contemporary states, Kemal Ataturk pursued his path and advanced toward his targets for almost five years (1919-1924), thus fully dissociating himself from the dying relic. By 1924, the state to which Kemal Ataturk belonged for most of his life was reduced to just one useless building: the palace of the last sultan. Compared with the groundbreaking deeds of the liberator and savior of Anatolia, the state of the family of Othman was a hilarious joke!
1922: Mustafa Kemal Pasha Ataturk (1880 – 1938), Turkish commander and later President, with camel drivers during the Turko-Greek War. (Photo by Topical Press Agency/Getty Images)ESI LATIFE HANIM ILE (LATIFE HANIM’IM SIR MEKTUPLARI-MEHMET BARLAS)
C- Kemal Ataturk first identified the real, diachronic values of the Anatolian Civilization, then acted accordingly, and finally reinstated all the various Anatolian populations’ shared values.
Kemal Ataturk placed the diachronic values of the Anatolian Civilization and Culture at the epicenter of the new, contemporary society and secular state that he instituted. The Village Institutes (Köy Enstitüleri) were only one of the methods implemented to educate and update villagers, while also strengthening their attachment to their common traditions, moral values, and Anatolian culture. About:
(The entry published in the English Wikipedia is improperly short, particularly distorted, and absolutely useless, as it deliberately gives readers a minimal idea about the topic, thus promoting the Islamist agenda that the secret services of the colonial Western countries have set up.)
D- Kemal Ataturk demonstrated virtue as per the terms of his nation’s historical traditions and moral values.
This approach was highlighted in the Turkish Constitution of 1923. In the 1924 Constitutional Law Article 2, Clause 1, the following is stated: Türkiye Devleti, Cümhuriyetçi, milliyetçi, halkçı, devletçi, lâik ve inkılâpçıdır. Many of the terms used are almost impossible to easily understand, because they have ostensibly different connotations than those attested in Western Europe and North America. This becomes very clear in the definition of the term “milliyetçi” that many political scientists with no background in History would simply translate as “nationalism”, which is absolutely confusing and totally meaningless. About:
Milliyetçilik – this principle has nothing to do with what is called ‘nationalism’ in Central and Western Europe and North America. In striking opposition to West European ideologies of racism, race superiority, chauvinism, and nationalism, in Turkey it was declared that Türkiye ahalisine, din ve ırk farkı gözetilmeksizin vatandaşlık itibarıyla Türk denilir (irrespective of religion and race differences, the population of Turkey is called Turkish as regards the citizenship).
The use of the term Milliyet in Atatürk’s Turkey and in the Ottoman Empire is completely different. In structural terms, this word of Persian origin (milliyet) was used by the founder of Turkey as the word Ummah was used in the very early periods of the Islamic Caliphate. It involves a supra-national community with a common history within the same state. And this was said explicitly: ‘ortak mazi, tarih, ahlak ve hukuk Türk milletini bir araya getiren değerlerdir’ (common past, history, morality and law are the values that bring together the Turkish nation). This has nothing to do with the evil notion of racial ethnic identity; it alludes to cultural ethnic identity.
So, milliyetçilik means literally ‘supra-national identity founded on land-based communal unity, shared historicity and integrity of cultural heritage’. This connotation does not exist anywhere outside Turkey, and this is not a concept particularity but full evidence of human superiority over the forces of darkness, division and evilness of today’s inhuman elites.
Few people understood that it was quite normal for a great mystic like Mustafa Kemal, who was neither a historian nor a philologist, to have this approach. The constituent elements of the state that he had already envisioned (as a successive form to the ailing Ottoman Empire) before 1919 had to encompass many ethnic groups. As a matter of fact, when Atatürk took full control of Turkey’s territory, it was still expected that more than a million ethnic ‘Greeks’ (i.e. Romioi – Rumlar) would be Turkish citizens in the future. It is the Greek side at the Lausanne Conference that came up with the proposal for the exchange of populations that took place between Turkey and Greece in 1923-1925.
Furthermore, this approach to a ‘supra-national identity founded on land-based communal unity, shared historicity and integrity of cultural heritage’ reflects perfectly well the Celestial Order of the Oriental Empires, which was the cornerstone of Rudolf von Sebottendorf’s universal vision of an Imperial State enshrined in individual spirituality and human welfare as per the Ancient Oriental Monarchical Model and the Assyrian Sargonid Originality.
Because the 20th century’s leading German hierophant, and mentor of Kemal Atatürk, Rudolf von Sebottendorf remains an unknown figure to most, truly few understand the uniqueness and the truthfulness of Turkey as a conscious supra-nation rightful heir of more than 20 Oriental and Occidental, northern and southern civilizations’ achievements and accomplishments. And this was eminently reflected in Kemal Atatürk’s practices, as he rejected Pan-Turkism and Turanism as improper falsifications able only to distort the historical reality and plunge Turkey into chaos.
Turkey was geared to be the total rejection of the fallacious and unhistorical, racist concept of racial purity, chauvinism, race superiority, skin color supremacy, colorism and all the associate, nonsensical and evil constructions.
One can therefore understand that Hitler’s Germany was at the very antipodes of Atatürk’s Turkey’s and this is due to the fact that the spiritual exercises and other practices, the evocations, the divine conceptualization, the revelations of the Sacred, the initiation rituals, the Spiritual Ontology, the Cosmology, the Moral Order, the Royal Art, the Weltanschauung, the historical contextualization, and the admonitions of imperial rule changed totally in the Thule Gesellschaft after the organization was taken over by Anglo-Saxon fake Masonry, Zionists and other Satanists.
From:
Turkey & 21st c. Geopolitics: the Advice I gave to the Turkish Establishment back in the mid-90s
III. Factors that prevented the Turkish Establishment from timely Disentangling from the ‘Western bloc’
B. The Real Meaning of the Six Principles of Kemal Ataturk’s State)
E- Kemal Ataturk became known for his ingenious choices, decisions and practices.
In this case, the introduction of the Latin alphabet for the writing of Modern Turkish was a truly ingenious decision that helped Turks become familiar with the major European languages and learn them more easily than others do. Suffice it to compare the German handwritings of a Turk and of an Egyptian or a Yemeni living in Germany, and one understands immediately how far-reaching Kemal Ataturk’s innovations were. Turks during the 20th and 21st centuries have been more conversant in European languages than the Arabic speaking people of Asia and North Africa, despite the fact that Turkey was never colonized, whereas all the former Ottoman provinces from the Emirates, Oman and Yemen to Eritrea, Abyssinia and Algeria came under French, English or Italian control (which implied obligatory courses of the colonizing power’s official language in the local primary and secondary education).
Because of this differentiation, the Turks have been used to learn foreign languages in order to cope and compete with the great European powers (Russia, Germany, Italy, France, England and Spain), whereas all Arabic-speaking people, who were driven and dehumanized by the psychological complex of inferiority (which is a form of colonial manipulation and cultural-educational-political maneuvering), have been hating the languages of their colonial masters and either have not been learning them at all or have not been learning them properly and impartially (and this has been done deliberately, out of the hatred which has traditionally been implanted in the pupils’ minds at the primary and secondary education level).
Contrarily to the Turks, who benefitted from Kemal Ataturk’s drastic changes and have an identity, Arabic-speaking people have no identity at all or have a fake identity, which is even worse. As a matter of fact, Arabic-speaking people are not Arabs; they belong to totally different nations with very diverse historical, ethnic and cultural backgrounds (Aramaeans in Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Jordan, Palestine, SE Turkey, SW Iran, Kuwait, Qatar, Emirates; Copts and Nubians in Egypt; Cushites and Nubians in Sudan; Berbers in Libya and the Atlas region; Yemenites in South-Southeastern-Eastern Arabian Peninsula).
Each of these different nations never managed to achieve a proper and adequate nation-building because they were all confused with the fake, colonial ideology of Pan-Arabism or Arab Nationalism. This development generated the chaotic situation that currently prevails in countries like Libya, Egypt, Sudan, Yemen, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq – in striking contrast with what happens in Turkey and Iran. About:
circa 1916: Mustafa Kemal Ataturk ( 1881 – 1938 ), Turkish general, nationalist leader and president. (Photo by Keystone/Getty Images)
F-Kemal Ataturk delivered innovative and inventive approaches to the needs of his society.
Of course, entire books have already been published to narrate and analyze the numerous changes (devrimler) introduced by the founder of Turkey. However, it must be pointed out that the historical evolution from Caliphate to Cumhuriyet (Republic) was not just a state transformation or renewal, but an overwhelming replacement. Kemal Ataturk created his own state, and when the Caliphate could not function anymore, Turkey as a new state substituted the useless relic of the sultans and caliphs.
Beyond the aforementioned, Kemal Ataturk’s most seminal, most ingenious and most trailblazing reversal was the termination of the old, Ottoman capital city and the proclamation of Ankara as the capital of the new state. The ominous, calamitous and dire role played for almost 1600 years by Constantinople – Istanbul was over, and the disastrous, ill-fated and accursed city was thrown once for all into the abyss of obliterated solipsism. Thanks to the founder of Turkey, the city that destroyed two great empires was forever condemned to permanently remain an otiose vestige of the past.
August 1922: Mustafa Kemal Ataturk (1881 – 1938) Turkish statesman and leader with the Turkish Diplomatic Corps at Ankara during the Greek-Turkey war in 1921-22. (Photo by Topical Press Agency/Getty Images)
G- Kemal Ataturk defended, promoted, consolidated and expanded national identity and cultural integrity.
A great number of people in Turkey and abroad misunderstood Kemal Ataturk’s innovations and considered them all as a form of intentional and comprehensive Westernization (or Occidentalization). This is actually a grave mistake and a serious misunderstanding or eventually a purposeful distortion. The founder of Turkey was neither a Westerner nor a Germanophile (or a Francophile, an Anglophile, etc.). It is misleading to believe that Ataturk ‘admired’ the Western progress or that he was enthusiastic about the Western culture. He simply viewed the world in pragmatic terms. What does the expression “pragmatic terms” mean?
This is what all the Islamists do not want to see, let alone understand. It is however very simple: in just 400 years, from 1500 to 1900, England, France, and Russia, which were smaller, weaker in every sense, poorer, less developed, less educated and less civilized than the Mughal Empire of South Asia, the Safavid Empire of Iran, and the Ottoman Empire in 1500, expanded and in 1900, became larger, stronger, richer, more developed, more educated and more civilized than the aforementioned three Muslim empires. Even worse, the three northern European states during the said period expanded at the prejudice of the three Muslim states, dismantling already one of them (the Mughal Empire), dangerously destabilizing and remarkably reducing the second (Qajar Empire of Iran), and comfortably and irreversibly decomposing the third (i.e. the Ottoman Empire, which in 1900 controlled already less than 50% of the territories that it possessed in 1790). The destruction of the Muslim Empires was so extensive and so detrimental that it would be suicidal for Muslims to pretend that nothing happened and that they could continue with their stupid theology and their useless Sunna. This is viewing the world in pragmatic terms.
In 1920, Turkey had by definition to compete with the countries that were advanced in terms of scientific knowledge, industrial technology, socio-economic organization, civic discipline, and behavioral adaptation. There could not be any other choice: either the Turks would follow this path or ultimately every ignorant and idiotic religious leader or theologian (let alone low level ‘politician’) would end up as slave, lackey or puppet of the colonial powers without even understanding it.
However, this approach does not mean that Kemal Ataturk introduced Western European or North American customs, “because he wanted to change or eliminate the traditional Turkish culture” (as his irrelevant critics have always pretended); actually, the founder of Turkey did not try to copy and paste habits and lifestyle. On the contrary, he selected the essential, the functional and the necessary elements of Western behavior and scrupulously adapted them to the socio-cultural context of Anatolia (and he did exactly the same as regards the system of governance that he launched). In 1935, the average Turk was more “European” than the average Russian, Bulgarian, Romanian, Albanian – let alone Greek. As an eclectic thinker, Ataturk simply wanted the Turks to be able to perform like the Germans, to be free of the incommensurate complex of inferiority of the Egyptians and other Arabic speaking people, and to be acquainted with the customs, practices, and formalities of the world’s most advanced nations.
Any Turk traveling to Central and Western Europe for studies, research or work in the 1920s would make a ludicrous spectacle if dressed in the old Ottoman fashion. How could Turkey cope economically and financially with the world’s advanced countries, if the Turkish companies, banks and stock exchange did not function according to the Western standards of Free Market economy? It was therefore totally impossible for the workweek in Turkey to break for one day (namely Friday), due to traditions that were the reason of Ottoman Empire’s decay and collapse; ultimately Friday had to become a working day. The question when a Muslim will find some time to pray is his strictly personal affair – not the affair of the society, the state or the government. Companies cannot afford to accord ‘break time’ for prayer, because in such a case, the employee’s mind is stuck in unnecessary topics unrelated to work and performance indices.
There is a Modern Turkish word (constructed by Kemal Ataturk’s grammarians) that helps realize which the top priority was for the founder of Modern Turkey: “çağdaş”. This constructed word means ‘contemporary’ and also ‘up-to-date’. The word became also a personal name for men and women in Turkey, and it is quite indicative of the effort made by the secular establishment of Kemal Ataturk for the entire nation to get disentangled from obsolete structures and ineffective manners that engulfed the Turks in worthless forms of pseudo-religion. About:
The combination of traditional Anatolian Turkish culture preservation and scientific, technological, educational and socio-economic modernization is characteristically described in the title of a leading article published by the influential Prof. Erol Manisalı in Cumhuriyet (24 July 2018): “Atatürk’te zeybek, tango ve ‘yön’” («In Atatürk, there is zeybek, tango and ‘direction’»). https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/yazarlar/erol-manisali/ataturkte-zeybek-tango-ve-yon-1035324
H- Kemal Ataturk founded a state in which every inhabitant was treated as equal with the rest and on the basis of justice, equity and solidarity.
Until its final collapse, the Ottoman Empire was the shameful realm where the brothers of a new sultan were almost institutionally massacred (for fear of eventual rebellion), the harem’s nauseating intrigues impacted many important state affairs (obviously catastrophically), the idiotic, ignorant and biased theologians scrutinized the sultan’s decisions (with disastrous results as it could always be expected), and the overwhelming majority of the population (Muslim, Christian or other) was viewed as a mere tool for tax extraction and any further utilization. Following the disastrous model of the so-called “bureaucratic byzantinism”, the Istanbulite theological circles consisted in a real cancerous tumor, as they treated the empire’s populations in a most disgraceful manner, as if human lives mattered only when compatible with their targets.
The iniquitous, partial, mendacious, utilitarian, and perverse nature and intentions of the Istanbul theological institutions were such that all the influential Ottoman theologians intended to rule the Empire by
a) tyrannically imposing their pseudo-Islamic fallacy on the Anatolian populations, which -being the vertebral column of the Ottoman Empire- vehemently rejected the Istanbulite meaningless theological doctrine and preserved their Islamic spirituality (being organized in Orders like the Mevlevi and the Bektashi),
b) viciously exploiting the Anatolian populations economically and militarily, and
c) incessantly oppressing, persecuting and eventually deporting them. This situation alienated the bulk of the Anatolian populations up to the extent that this situation contributed to the debilitation of the Ottoman state.
In other words, the same pattern that caused the collapse of the Eastern Roman Empire impacted also the Caliphate during the Ottoman times. The Patriarchate of Constantinople had tremendously contributed to the devitalizing and impairing the imperial state, because of its ceaseless religious-spiritual clash with the Anatolian populations that rejected the pseudo-Christian fallacy of the Constantinopolitan theologians. There were ceaseless revolts, unbearable Constantinopolitan oppression of the Anatolian populations, interminable massacres, and all forms of tyranny carried out by the every now and then dispatched imperial guards; at the end, the Eastern Roman Christian Anatolian populations accepted Alp Arslan and the Seljuks as true liberators. The exactly same story occurred in Ottoman Anatolia with the Şahqulu (Şahkulu) movement, the Bektashi, the Qizilbash, and the Mevlevis.
With Kemal Ataturk, Anatolia finally took its well-deserved and most necessary revenge over the elites of the caliphate’s capital. In 1924, thank God, all the imperial magistrates and potentates were reduced to the level of every simple farmer and cattle-keeper of Anatolia.
I- Kemal Ataturk re-engineered the Turkish society toward knowledge, wisdom, creativity, productivity, equilibrium and tolerance.
It was clear that, if the state itself was to be replaced by a totally different structure of governance, the society would have to be fully transformed, so that the inhabitants of the country be in a position to duly cope with the totally new environment and to effectively perform under the new rules. This was an experiment that Kemal Ataturk undertook without an ideology as a point of reference; this is another important point of differentiation between Lenin and Ataturk. The former had already written articles, speeches and books as to how to organize the state (the dictatorship of the proletariat) that he wanted to impose by using the support of the communist party – or of a faction of it, to be accurate. But when Kemal Ataturk liberated the country from foreign thugs, gangsters and invaders, no one knew what orders, measures, rules, and changes he would introduce. No one was able then to assume when this or that new law and measure would be launched and in what order the new rules would be introduced; and the founder of Turkey had never written before even a brief note or a list of the groundbreaking measures that were necessary to implement in order to remove the Turks from the Ottoman apathy and the “Islamic” putrefaction in which they found themselves.
Kemal Ataturk made it clear that human life has no value, if productivity and creativity do not characterize the activities and the targets of the human being. He wanted to take Turks out of the counterproductive, useless, abnormal and lethargic lifestyle that the Ottoman theologians had imposed whereby it was ‘enough’ for every Muslim to make five prayers per day, fast during the daytime in Ramadhan, carry out few more tasks and then live without discipline, target and commitment. However, the founder of Turkey was a moderate and balanced person, and thanks to this fact, his new country did not live atrocious and inhuman situations like the Soviet Stokhanovism; the Communists used to denounce the exploitation of humans by other humans, but did indeed exploit humans more than any other tyranny did in the History of the Mankind. In fact, the USSR had to wait until Nikita Khrushchev launched the de-Stalinization era in order to get rid of the useless medals “За трудовую доблесть” that bear witness to dehumanized beings reduced to robot-like lives for the sake of the state and its profitability.
With Ataturk, illiteracy was almost totally erased from Turkey; knowledge, science and education took central part in the life of a society ‘en pleine mutation’. Contrarily to the 19-year span of time when the Halâskâr Gazi was in power(1919-1938), the supposedly ‘Islamic’ society of the Ottoman times was gradually plunged into abject misery, despicable illiteracy, pathetic ignorance, and abysmal darkness, despite the fact that Islam, as religion, promoted knowledge over absurd belief, investigation instead of blind acceptance, and learning instead of lethargy. In fact, after 1580, the Ottoman Empire regressed instead of progressing.
Although, in the early 16th c., the Ottoman Empire was the inheritor of an entire millennium of Islamic Civilization, which was in fact the first World Civilization that encompassed the spiritual, cultural, moral, intellectual, scholarly, scientific and artistic heritage of all earlier civilizations, after the middle of the 16th c., the so-called ‘Sunni Islamic’ theological cholera prevailed at the level of the Istanbulite-Ottoman society and governance, notably during the reign of the gullible, suggestible Murat III (1574-1595). The prevalence of those theological circles in the Ottoman court brought forth the irrevocable demolition, elimination and expiration of the Genius of Islamic Civilization.
Ignorant people, who should have been killed as enemies of the Mankind, the then theologians, sheikhs, imams, etc. became influential in the Ottoman court, and due to their disastrous choices and utter paranoia, every scholarly-scientific exploration, every intellectual investigation, every artistic innovation, every conceptual re-evaluation, every transcendental reconfiguration, and every spiritual meditation were prohibited and labeled as “black magic”, “sorcery”, “witchcraft” and the like.
Those backward and silly fools considered as “evildoing” everything that they did not know, and due to their barbarism, they put an end to spirituality, sciences, arts, culture and civilization within the Ottoman Empire. After 1580 and the destruction of the Istanbul Observatory by the fanaticized mob that was guided by these evil and asinine theologians and imams, Islamic Civilization is considered defunct. It was only normal for the Ottoman Empire to progressively collapse and disintegrate afterwards, since its inhabitants were forced to live as per the inhuman orders that derived from the moronic Sunna-doctrine of the uneducated theologians who prohibited any other education than theirs.
In only 19 years, Kemal Ataturk overwhelmingly and spectacularly reversed this 350-year enduring, deplorable and self-disastrous situation; in this regard, his undertaking was far more difficult, far more unconventional, and far more staggering than Lenin’s, because the founder of Soviet Union did not find Czarist Russia in a state of long decadence but only of slow rise, progress and modernization in comparison to Germany, Austria-Hungary, and the countries of Western Europe and North America.
J- Kemal Ataturk promoted individual initiative, amelioration and expansibility.
There is one key point in which Life was not fair to Kemal Ataturk: he died very early. The founder of Turkey was only 57, when he passed away. Had he lived another 20 years (which is a modest estimate of life expectancy) we would have got a far more complete understanding of his vision, achievements, mindset, world conceptualization, and stance toward major world events (notably WW II, the Cold War, the so-called decolonization process, etc.). Speaking of Kemal Ataturk, few realize that in his time, there was no India, China was occupied by Japan, and the entire African continent was still divided in colonial zones (French, English, Italian, Belgian, Portuguese and Spanish).
Although the founder of Turkey dedicated most of his time after 1922 to the implementation of the changes that he introduced, we still do not have a complete idea about his view of the human being and about the extent to which he wanted to carry out a deep personal transformation in every Turk. Many scholars, historians, political scientists, intellectuals, analysts and commentators published thousands of books and articles about Ataturk as the founder of a brand new state, as the social transformer of Modern Turkey, and as the supreme educator of his nation. But no one viewed in the founder of Modern Turkey the spiritual mentor of every Turk and of every human.
At this point, we can accept that Ataturk did not only want to found a new, lawful, competent and effective state with social solidarity and free market economy, but he also desired to invigorate the average Turk and make him an unrestrained, extrovert, daring and entrepreneurial person well versed in taking risks and gambles for the benefit of his career, business, expansion and commitment. For Kemal Ataturk, every Turk’s best contribution to the national cause would be his own personal initiative in every field he would prefer to express his initiative, dynamism and inventiveness. We can therefore conclude that the founder of Turkey had exactly the same idea and the same wish for every human anywhere on Earth, if we take into consideration his famous motto (first said in one speech given in a town in Anatolia on the 20th April 1931) “Yurtta sulh, cihanda sulh” (Peace at Home, Peace in the World), which proves that Ataturk evidently demonstrated a sheer interest not only in Turkey but also in the world affairs.
This critical trait was not however visible during the tenure of Ataturk’s ineffectual and uncharismatic successors, starting with Ismet Inönü and the cursed figure of Adnan Menderes. With the catastrophic and totally treacherous introduction of Western ‘politics’ in the governance of Turkey, with the constant involvement of the army in the politics, and with the untrue, mean and unreliable character of many ‘Kemalists’, after 1938 Turkey was progressively transformed into a bureaucratic state in the epicenter of which there was an enormous military-industrial complex. This situation was totally opposed to Kemal Ataturk’s vision of Turkey and harmed the average Turk enormously, by reducing him to a docile citizen who was asked to blindly obey the orders, the routine, and the Kemaluist doctrine of the public sector’s officials, who were in reality at the very antipodes of Ataturk. The gradual (1940 – 1970) bureaucratization of Turkey was one of the heaviest blows made against the state founded by the Halâskâr Gazi and a real disgrace to his memory.
K- Kemal Ataturk was an example in terms of accurate perception, conceptual and active thinking, self-criticism, adaptability, and alternative option identification.
From the aforementioned, one can safely hypothesize that Kemal Ataturk was not a dogmatic person; contrarily to his idiotic opponents, who are manipulated by the colonial Western powers without even understanding it, the founder of Modern Turkey was a balanced and tolerant person, known for his temperance and for accepting constructive criticism. Although he was a man of strong convictions, he knew very well that the best way to reconfirm the validity of one’s own arguments and decisions was to continually challenge them by examining several experiments. Ataturk experimented potential alternatives to several issues quite often and at times in cases of very serious and critical topics; the form of the state that he instituted was one of them!
The text itself of the Constitution of 1923 makes it clear that the founder of Turkey was convinced that a state made, manned and controlled by the people, governed and administered truthfully for the people, and advanced in parallel with the people (i.e. the entire society) should have the social support of only one organization, in which every person could become a member and every opinion could be debated sincerely. Contrarily to the disreputable constitutions of tyrannical Western states, which are shamelessly masqueraded as “democracies”, Turkey’s first and only real constitution did not allow any separate group of people to have the chance of separating themselves from the rest, the possibility of forming a fake and always unnecessary ‘opposition’, and the ability of cheating or deceiving others, let alone the outright majority, by means of debased and absurd theories, pathetic ‘political ideas’, comical and evil ideologies, and the nonsensical doctrines of the racist Western intelligentsia.
This testifies to two critical points:
First, Kemal Ataturk knew that the so-called modern democratic multiparty system is a permanent fallacy, an inhuman deception, and an evil distortion that severely harms the societies, misrepresents the people’s will, and ends up as a concealed form of monstrous tyranny. This is due to the fact that in the governance of a society there cannot be any ideas, theories or ideologies involved, because these mental endeavors consist in overwhelming misrepresentation of the reality, and as such they divide the unsophisticated people, who need no theories and no ideologies to duly perceive the reality and then normally live their lives.
Governance relates to reality; theories and ideologies are unreal fantasies and unrealistic fallacies of every eventually counter-productive or paranoid individual whose unnecessary assumptions and disastrous projections confuse the entire society. In any case, the paradoxical and deceitful scheme of ‘political parties’ reflecting falsely different ideologies (that are all equally impracticable, fictional and inhuman) is a modern times’ neologism and aberration that did not exist in any previous systems of non-monarchical states. That’s why Turkey’s Constitution of 1923 did not provide any details as regards the absolutely unnecessary establishment of various so-called ‘political parties’, simply because the Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (Republican People’s Party, founded on 7th September 1919) was the venue of all Turks, thus automatically canceling the dispensable ‘need’ for any ‘other’ party, let alone an ‘opposition’.
Second, the aforementioned situation clearly demonstrates how fake, wrong, mendacious and evil are all of today’s critics of Kemal Ataturk, when accusing him for having ‘westernized’ Turkey. The founder of Turkey did not ‘westernize’ but merely updated his society, empowering Turks with perefct tools of governance that guaranteed success in the effort of catching up with the technologically developed countries of the West; he did not copy any Western political system. Quite contrarily, he prevented Turkey from becoming a socio-political, ‘republican’, contamination like the US or France. When Ataturk launched his ingenious and multifaceted program, there were many non-monarchical states in Europe and America, which consisted mostly in multiparty establishments. However, these states were not accepted by Ataturk as trusted models or acceptable paradigms.
The example of Italy’s 1923 elections (or parody of elections) was certainly studied very well by the man who conceived the pillars of Turkey’s Constitution of 1923; Turkey would not need either a Benito Mussolini or a Giacomo Matteotti. All people could express their own opinions within the Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi, exactly because it was the venue for all the people (halk). This shows very well that Kemal Ataturk was not someone limited to mere copying & pasting Western systems and practices, but he introduced his own, new, and genuine system that best suited the Turkish nation of Anatolia.
However, despite Kemal Ataturk’s evident predilection for a one-party system of social organization and governance, he willingly accepted to test how a second party would function within the context that he had just established. This shows that he always examined various alternatives in diverse issues. As a matter of fact, in 1930, the founder of Turkey asked the former Turkish ambassador to France Ali Fethy Okyar to take the initiative and launch a new party, which would offer an alternative viewpoint on, and a different venue for, debates pertaining to Turkey’s social organization and governance. Consequently, soon afterwards, Okyar established the Serbest Cumhuriyet Fırkası (Liberal Republican Party) as a party of constructive opposition.
The experiment was quite indicative; within few months, the cancerous tumor of backward, ignorant and blind Islamists, i.e. Kemal Ataturk’s earliest opponents, enrolled in the new party and gathered there in order to voice their paranoia. These Islamists were filthy liars and hypocritical crooks, who did not give a damn about the ideas of liberal economy that the party founder wanted to promote with the support of Kemal Ataturk. These Satanic Muslims could cooperate even with the most squalid demons in order to express their sick hatred against the founder of Modern Turkey. Inevitably, even before the end of the year (!), Ali Fethy Okyar decided to close down the ill-fated party, before these uneducated gangsters managed to spit their ideological, pseudo-religious venom and impair the new, free and moral society that was being formed at the time. In Kemal Ataturk’s Turkey no one had the right to contaminate the entire nation by shamelessly uttering silly sentences of the type: “democracy is like a streetcar. When you come to your stop, you get off”.
Indiscriminate freedom of speech is the worst enemy of the Mankind and the bitterest adversary of Human Freedom. Why this is so is easy to grasp: there is no freedom beyond the limits of Moral. Freedom is only a moral value; without Moral, there is no freedom. Otherwise, the Mankind will sail adrift and, after the immoral, absurd and totalitarian pseudo-concept of “indiscriminate freedom of speech” is imposed worldwide, humans will be asked to also revere the freedom of murder.
The fallacy of the modern Western tyrannies, which are euphemistically called ‘democracies’, is a vast topic that evidently goes out of the scope of the present article. However, the aforementioned example clearly shows that Kemal Ataturk, although he had the foresight to understand that multi-party system and partisan differentiation on the basis of various nonsensical ideologies is an absurdity and a deception, he gave it a try and wanted to check how a multi-party system functions in the daily life.
X. Kemal Ataturk’s Everlasting Legacy and Turkey’s Betrayers
Many people presently believe that the most determined enemies of Kemal Ataturk have been the various branches of Islamic Fundamentalism, Extremism, Radicalism, and Terrorism, i.e. the tenebrous realm of Political Islam, Wahhabism, and the other ramifications of today’s fake Muslims. But this is only a superficial reading of Modern Turkey’s History.
A – The Islamists
Every paranoid, who imagines that it is possible to establish today a state based on a modern theological interpretation of Islam (or any other religion), cannot be the enemy of anyone else except himself. The world of the Islamic Caliphates (as long as they were not in decay or coma for some centuries) and the modern world are two totally separated universes that have nothing in common and can never meet, let alone amalgamate. This was already known to Kemal Ataturk; that’s why he relied on Islamic princples, values and culture to create something new, authentic and absolutely Islamic, Anatolian and Oriental of nature.
The dogmatic idiots, who think it is possible to change Turkey, will see their own destruction with their own eyes; these ignorant people, like Turkey’s post-2002 parliamentary and presidential fake majorities (produced through electoral trickery and foreign interference in the backstage), in their fanatic and berserk effort to put an end to “secular Turkey” and substitute it with their fictional “Islamic Turkey”, will simply be left with no ….. Turkey at all! Then, it will be too late for them to regret and repent.
All states are structures erected as per their own particular rules; when these rules are breached, the structure falls apart. There is no need to wait for a conqueror, who will destroy a state, when the structure ceases to serve its purpose and to be what it was geared to be. In today’s world, contrarily to the Pre-Islamic Antiquity or to the times of the early caliphates, there is no vacuum left across the Earth. This parameter changes everything, because if a state falls apart nowadays, there will be no chance for rehabilitation and reunification; there will be either permanent division and strife (as in Somalia, Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Yemen, etc.) or loss of territory (USSR).
Although colonial fabrications and pseudo-states, like Egypt, Pakistan, India, Sudan, Algeria, etc., can eventually be multiparty ‘democracies’, ‘one-party’ tyrannies, military dictatorships, religious-theological autocracies, ‘constitutional’ monarchies or lawless despotic realms, a genuinely new and innovative state structure cannot be re-engineered. This happens because all pseudo-states constructed by the colonial powers were programmed in a way to best suit the variable interests of their colonial masters and consequently, they never had a proper infrastructure. These fake states never were (and they can never be) proper states, because they were geared to be mere caricatures of states, able to be transformed as per their masters’ desires.
Contrarily to these pseudo-states, the USSR could never be re-engineered, and that’s why it fell apart, and Russia lost an important part of its territory. Similarly, the US cannot be reinvented. And Western European ‘democracies’ cannot be restructured. For some decades, it was thought as possible that Communists could eventually rise to power in some of these Western European states (Italy, France, Portugal), but this would simply imply that these states would fall apart. Falling apart is tantamount to territorial loss in most of the cases. The example of China’s transformation into a form of “Socialism with Chinese characteristics” (中国特色社会主义, lit. “China-especially-colored Socialism”) is a unique case that had earlier been systematically developed and debated among the supreme hierarchy of the Chinese Communist Party (中國共產) as regards its cultural, intellectual, ideological and socio-economic dimensions and then implemented and crosschecked at all levels. But there have never been another Muslim Deng Xiaoping (1904-1997; 邓小平), except Kemal Ataturk himself.
Post-1938 Turkish Islamists, either they showed their real face or were masqueraded as Kemalists, were – all – unaware of the realities of modern world; most of them were totally unable to envision how their doctrine could possibly be implemented. The only honorable exception was the first ‘Islamist’ (the term is only conventionally used here) prime minister of Turkey Prof. Necmettin Erbakan (1926-2011), who was already a veteran statesman, when he became prime minister (June 1996 – June 1997) in coalition with Tansu Çiller as deputy prime minister. However, he had published his Manifesto for his Millî Görüş (National Vision) as early as 1969, i.e. five years before the first of the three times he was appointed as deputy prime minister in coalition governments. Necmettin Erbakan’s cultural, theoretical and socio-economic conceptualization had nothing to do with Political Islam; it merely consisted in an effort to revitalize the state of Kemal Ataturk by restating Anatolian Turkish Culture, promoting traditional values and moral integrity, reasserting Turkish national identity, reinvigorating the economy (with the then much needed privatizations), and modernizing the technical infrastructure of Turkey’s vast rural areas. Had Erbakan remained in the power for long, he would truly have become Turkey’s Deng Xiaoping.
The scope of the present article is neither to enumerate the various rebellions started by incorrigible and retarded sheikhs, who could not comprehend Kemal Ataturk’s innovative initiatives and the reasons for them, nor to describe the failure of various ignorant imams, fallen mystics, and worthless theorists to realize that what they (during the 20th c.) used to think of Islam was not anymore the true, historical Islam (as spirituality, religion, wisdom, knowledge, literature, epics, science, art, culture, philosophy, architecture, tradition and civilization), but a decomposed and putrefied remnant that had no value at all anymore. In reality and despite all appearances, there is no continuity between the Historical Islam and today’s Muslims; there is a rupture, a gap.
In brief, what Ataturk’s opponents called and still now call ‘Islam’ is in reality ‘their Islam’; and disastrously enough for them, their Islam had nothing to do with the historical Islam as evidently (and on the basis of innumerable historical sources) practiced, revered and expanded throughout the centuries in many, variable forms and dimensions. This concerns notably Said Nursî, who is viewed as the source of inspiration of all posterior Islamist movements in Turkey, although he can by no means be described as an ‘Islamist’.
In reality, Said Nursî’s arbitrary acceptance of Western science and rationalism, and his demented effort to amalgamate two systems that are diametrically opposed to, and cannot intermingle with, one another were due to his
a) lack of knowledge (he did not study either the historical Islamic sciences of the Golden Era of Islamic Civilization or the Modern Western sciences),
b) erroneous assumption that the Modern Western sciences derived from the sciences of the Golden Era of Islamic Civilization (which is at the antipodes of the historical reality because, despite the enormous transfer of knowledge that took place between the civilized Orient and the barbaric Western Europe across the centuries, all the constituent elements, moral principles, basic concepts, and known data of Oriental sciences were first either rejected or misperceived, then erroneously contecxtualized, deliberately distorted, and finally used malignantly for the fabrication of a counterfeit, inhuman system of sciences),
c) confusion between the historical Islamic rationalism and the modern Western rationalism, and
d) limited understanding of the sources, dimensions, nature and targets of the Western materialism and atheism.
Said Nursî was not opposed to the entire spectrum of Kemal Ataturk’s reforms. Before the rise of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) to power, Said Nursî was a lukewarm supporter of Pan-Ottomanism, if one correctly comprehends the term as a vague, non-systematized array of ideas and proposals as to just how to reinstate and reinvigorate the Ottoman Empire. Of course, he defended the Caliphate against the CUP, by participating in the Ottoman coup against CUP (1909), and later he opposed every notion of Pan-Turkism or Pan-Turanianism. But he had already comprehended very well the failure, the ineptness, and the ultimate corruption of the Constantinopolitan theologians and of the worthless bureaucrats of the Office of the Sheikhulislam. Actually, Said Nursî, despite all the lies said about him by the various pseudo-religious groups and bogus-spiritual orders instituted in Turkey over the past few decades, was happy with the fact that Kemal Ataturk destroyed the formal Ottoman religious establishment (an institution that had lasted 600 years: 1424-1924).
Said Nursî (1877-1960), although he had almost the same age as Kemal Ataturk, was a man of very different background and orientation than the founder of Turkey. Said Nursî could not understand the mentality of a military officer, who became a unique reformer and statesman, after liberating parts of his endangered country. Contrarily to Said Nursî’s inclination to theoretically-intellectually accept the Modern Western sciences, Kemal Ataturk did not either ‘accept’ or ‘reject’ these academic disciplines: he simply wanted the average Turk to be well-versed in them in order to became able to catch up with the scientifically and technologically advanced countries and adequately modernize the newly founded state. It would be up to the prospective generations of Turkish scientists to fully accept, criticize, disapprove of, modify or even attack the foundations of the Western sciences, by establishing totally new approaches (other than mere material observation and experiment) to the study, the exploration, and the evaluation of the material and the spiritual worlds.
There was one thing that Kemal Ataturk would never accept: that an uneducated and ignorant person, after obtaining an undeserved position of authority, rejects beforehand something that he does not know; this is tantamount to utter paranoia. And this is exactly what all the pathetically indoctrinated and idiotic Islamists of today’s Iran, Turkey, Pakistan, Egypt, Afghanistan, Saudi Arabia and so many other countries (Muslim Diaspora in Western Europe, North America, and Australia included) do ceaselessly, thus bringing forth calamitous developments and disproportionate disasters for the entire Muslim World.
Kemal Ataturk and Said Nursî could have easily cooperated and set common targets within the national effort of reasserting the Anatolian Turkish culture, but this was prevented by the common enemies of both men. At this point, it is necessary to add that the ‘Ustadh’ or the ‘Bediüzzaman’ (‘master’ or ‘marvel of the time’: honorific appellations for the greater Turkish theologian of the 20th c.) did not champion any idea related to the Pan-Islamism or to the so-called Islamic Modernism (two distinct ideological forgeries that were geared by the criminal colonial academia of France and England in order to deceive many gullible and ignorant sheikhs, ideologists and activists, like Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, Muhammad Abduh, Muhammad Rashid Rida, Sayyid Qutb and others).
Said Nursî’s farness from, and rejection of, the aforementioned figures and their ideas and thoughts was due to his strong acquaintance with, and knowledge of, the Ottoman administration, to his affiliation to Pan-Ottomanism, and to his ability to distinguish between
a) imperial-level understanding of the intentions, the targets, the methods and the practices of the colonial powers, and
b) village-level absolute inability to assess colonial countries’ methods, such as political intrigues, psychological manipulations, divisive schemes, machinations geared to trigger self-damaging behavior and reactions to the enemy, and many other types of evil plots (theoretical, academic, scientific, intellectual, educational, behavioral, cultural, ideological, political, economic and other).
In other words, the Constantinopolitan Ottoman theological elite around the Sultan and the Sheikhulislam had certainly failed to oppose the sophisticated plans and plots of the evil colonial empires, but they were still experienced magistrates, who definitely had enough knowledge, wisdom, perspicacity and foresight to identify strengths pulled by foreign powers and to thus avoid falling in ideological and theoretical traps – in striking difference with the aforementioned ignorant sheikhs and ideologists. Having frequented these Ottoman elites, Said Nursî was able to discern accurately at the level of governance, although he missed other capacities and qualifications.
Many Turkish preachers, ideologists, theologians and activists associated themselves with Said Nursî quite often, claiming theoretical vicinity and ideological affiliation; gradually, an entire movement (Nurculuk or Nurcular) was formed and expanded by referring to him, but quite often the references to and mentions of him involved slight or grave distortion of his positions. Then, an avalanche of further falsifications followed and from Said Nursî’s unrealistic ideas back in the middle of the 20th c., we finally, at the end of the century, reached to the very bottom of the shameful alteration, utilization and politicization of the Islamic spirituality,religion, culture and civilization as carried out by many pathetic pseudo-sheikhs and ignorant imams, who soon became the tool of Western countries’ secret services, like the most famous and most pathetic among them, the notorious, villainous and ominous Fethullah Gülen. His secretive and seditious movement (Gülen hareketi) ended up as the well-known and worldwide active, terrorist organization (Fethullahçı Terör Örgütü) that has financed many other dozens of thousands of corrupt and idiotic preachers, when they were not already bribed by the secret services of several Western states.
The politicization of Islam, as carried out over the past 40 years in Turkey, was a crucial stage of worldwide degradation of the spiritual, mental, intellectual, academic, educational, cultural and religious conditions of all the Muslims of the world. The extent of the degradation was worldwide, because Turkey has always been the de facto leading country and the driving force of the Islamic world. In fact, the groundbreaking measures introduced by Kemal Ataturk in Turkey back in the 1920s should have been progressively accepted and implemented in all the Muslim states, so that they all manage to reach the level Turkey did, and reject the darkness and the obscurantism in which they had been fallen over the past 400 years. But the colonial powers prevented this development in order to maintain control over, and keep exploiting, all the other Muslim countries and the fake leaderships that the Westerners appointed there as local slaves and stooges in the first place. The method that the colonial powers employed to achieve their calamitous targets in their colonies across the Islamic world was precisely the formation of Political Islam (or Islamism), the promotion of the Wahhabi cholera, and the diffusion of the racist bogus ideology of Arab Nationalism.
In this regard, the politicization of Islam in Turkey was a form of late, indirect and covered colonization and barbarization of Turkey that I denounced very early (January 2009):
This phenomenon was not the revivification of the Islamic religion as its demented supporters claimed, being empowered by the evil colonial academics, who composed false and ludicrous terms (like ‘Islamic Revivalism’) in order to obscure the reality and confuse all the people worldwide. In fact, this disastrous phenomenon was the return of Islam’s counterfeit revenant, i.e. the corporeal and mental reconstitution of undead, demoniacally possessed, Muslim zombies that spread terror, darkness and permanent dementia. There is nothing Islamic in any form or branch of the Political Islam (let alone in Wahhabism); when today’s Muslim zombies read the Quran, they understand all major terms in another, erroneous connotation that is diametrically opposed to the perception of the text by true Muslims of the Golden Era of Islamic Civilization. Because this happens to modern times’ Muslim zombies, they are cannot reproduce the Islamic Civilization, precisely because they are not Muslims.
Only Necmettin Erbakan made a honorable exception in this nefarious development. And this is so, because his effort was evidently creative: he composed a totally new, authentic, synthesis (titled ‘Millî Görüş’) made out of traditional Anatolian culture, Muslim moral, Turkish national education, and modern technology & engineering (Erbakan was a mechanical engineer, with a PhD in Engineering from the RWTH Aachen University, and later a university professor in Turkey). Millî Görüş had nothing in common with any branch of Political Islam and, as theoretical system, it was not related to the politicization of Islam or any theological interpretation. It was totally unrelated to religion.
As a matter of fact, Millî Görüş was not a political ideology that utilized religious prescriptions to fanaticize people; it was rather a theoretical socio-cultural and moral system that stressed the need of the Anatolian Turkish society to retain cultural traditions and moral values while economically, technologically and academically coping with Western countries. It consisted in a very conscious and well-thought effort to overwhelmingly reject the post-WWII theoretical, ideological, educational, moral and behavavioral corruption of the Western world, as well as the irreversible putrefaction that characterizes already the Western world. To put it in simple words, Erbakan tried to retain whatever he deemed as constructive and rewarding element of the Western science and technology, while keeping the Anatolian Turkish society intact from the Western moral and socio-behavioral contamination. Toward the Western world in its entirety, Erbakan was so eclectic in the 1970s as Ataturk was in the 1920s.
If thoroughly implemented, Millî Görüş would guarantee economic independence (instead of pathetic Erdogan’s sellout of Turkey’s organizations, companies and cogglomerates to forces of economic globalization), optimized industrialization (instead of worthless Erdogan’s inconsistent economics and unsustainable public debt), and advanced competitiveness in the world markets. Necmettin Erbakan was a most serious threat to the Western plan that provided for Turkey’s colonization via the scheme of Political Islam. The colonial countries’ local stooges, be they generals and colonels or preachers and imams, described Erbakan as ‘Islamist’, whereas he was the last stand of Kemal Ataturk’s paradigm against the either hypocritical or idiotic Kemalists. It is quite indicative: Prof. Necmettin Erbakan never met the miserable, disreputable and vicious enemy of Turkey, Fethullah Gülen.
The politicization of Islam was in fact imposed across Turkey’s politics via systematic intereference of many foreign institutions in Turkey’s military, economic, socio-political life during the 1990s and the 2000s. The local Islamist stooges and puppets of American, English and French politicians, diplomats, military and intelligence officers, academics, and businessmen were not actually the first Turkish servants and lackeys of the Western powers. Historically, these corrupt and treacherous elements constituted the next stage of Western interference in the affairs of the 19th c. ailing Ottoman Empire; when the caliphate was already defunct, they deliberately masqueraded into Kemalists during the period 1918-1924 and survived as part of the new establishment, having at times high positions next to Kemal Ataturk. Their only target was to progressively sabotage Ataturk’s efforts to create an incorruptible and formidable state that would belong to all the people and not to the treacherous, secluded, indoctrinated, pseudo-Islamic elites of silly theologians.
The first traitors of Kemal Ataturk were therefore some hypocritical elements that appeared as supporters and admirers of the founder of Turkey; some of them were even high magistrates belonging to Ataturk’s immediate entourage. These early Kemalists were used by Western diplomats in their effort to destroy the state of Kemal Ataturk, which was – in total contrast with the Western elitist, pseudo-democratic tyrannies – a state that fully reflected a free society of equal nationals with strong cultural-historical identity and moral integrity, and not (as it already happened in the corrupt and useless Western countries) a disunited community made of distinct, mutually in conflict, social classes exploited by criminal, secretively segregated Orders and hierarchical societies. In fact, all the methods that the Turkish Islamists used recently in order to further distort the nature of the state of Kemal Ataturk had already been employed for decades by the Kemalists; the reason is very simple: the guidance was always the same – alien and evil!
Thus, after 2002, many Turkish Islamists progressively started believing that, by means of dissimulation, step-by-step deception, and silly lies said one after the other, they could cheat the Turksh people and promote their pseudo-Islamic doctrine, while also corrupting the masses with a fake socioeconomic improvement and spectacular but unnecessary public works. Despite their encroachment in the government for 18 years (thanks to the failure of the anti-Ataturk Kemalist parties, the existence of paranoid electoral laws, the orchestration of repeated electoral fraud, and the systematic neutralization of vast, non-Islamist masses by means of massive flattery and bribery that took the form of financially disastrous salary increases and numerous other material benefits), the Islamists failed to implement a proper, let alone advanced, Islamization agenda.
If one carefully observes the legislation and the policies implemented over this very long period, one concludes that Turkish Islamists will need 300 years to implement their agenda. Populist rhetoric, half-uttered references to past stories, emotional expression of memories, symbolic gestures, posthumous glorification of failed Islamist ideologists and poets, like Necip Fazıl Kısakürek, lessening of strict secular rules, and commemoration of culturally meaningless, theoretically-educationally misinterpreted, and politically insignificant events, like Alp Arslan’s victory at Malazgirt (Manzikert) in 1071, are not methods to bring the Ottoman Caliphate back. Turning the Ayasofya Museum to a mosque does not bring the Ottoman Empire back; it pushes it farther and farther to the past.
First, they faced steadfast and fierce opposition from the military and the Kemalist opposition (despite the incessant interference of many Western powers in favor of the Islamists); second, they never managed to truly deepen and widen their main electoral basis (the real nucleus of Turkey’s Islamists never went above 20-23%; the rest are not Islamists but mere, provisory voters, who get financial benefits from the long-term disastrous governmental policy); third, they were divided among them (covertly before 2012; overtly between 2012 and 2016; and frontally ever since); and fourth, their necessary alliance with the Pan-Turanianists (after July 2016 and more ostensibly after early 2017) significantly modified their targets and possibilities, forcing them to be more realistic and less agenda-driven.
In fact, 18 years of Islamist governments in Turkey fully prove that Ataturk’s assaulted state and beleaguered heritage demonstrate enormous resistance to all types of destructive efforts. Either Kemalist or Islamist, any dissimulative policy can quantitatively modify and modulate but never qualitatively transfigure and alter the state founded by Kenal Ataturk as per the Qizilbash spirituality and the Bektashi transcendental illumination provided by Rudolf von Sebottendorf. Only a very radical -Islamist, Pan-Turanianist or other- attempt or a revolutionary act could really endanger Turkey and cause the total disappearance of Türkiye Cumhuriyeti. But then, the tectonic movements that would be triggered would not only change the contents and the form of the state but break it to pieces.
Turkey’s Islamists do not have the means to turn Kemal Ataturk’s Turkey to an Islamic state; and they will never acquire them. This is the reason for which there will never be an ‘Islamic Republic of Turkey’, although the venomous serpents of the Foreign Office, the criminals of the Intelligence Service, and the nonsensical, corrupt and villainous English academia would very much rejoice with that perspective.
However, due to the fact that, after 2016, the Islamists do not govern Turkey alone but share power with the Pan-Turanianists leaves minimal space for the English evil hopes to be possibly materialized. The same concerns also the similarly wicked plans of France and America that have been geared long ago in order to bring about the dismemberment and destruction of Turkey. Paris and Washington cannot and will never understand that the state launched only in 1923 by Kemal Ataturk is founded on principles and concepts superior to those proclaimed by their own Founding Fathers and stated in their own constitutions. With the Pan-Turanianists in power at Ankara, with Russia and China as strategic allies of Turkey, and with the ever expanding New Silk Road, it is more plausible that the US and France break down and disintegrate first.
B – The Pan-Turanianists
Many believe that the Islamists have been the main danger for Turkey over the past century; however, this is not quite true. It is only due to a superficial reading of the nature and of the character of the state of Kemal Ataturk, and of its enemies. In reality, the worst, the most perilous, enemies of the Founder of Modern Turkey have always been the Pan-Turanianists, and that’s why Ataturk kept them at distance and out of Turkey. This truth is not easily understood because first, many people make the terrible mistake to consider the Pan-Turanianism as a nationalist movement with a typical nationalist ideology similar to many other, and second, numerous colonial diplomacies, academies, intelligentsias and administrations have done their best to defame, denigrate and demonize the Pan-Turanian ideal. Pan-Turanianism is totally unrelated to any type of nationalism; in fact, it is at the exact antipodes of every nationalism.
It is also essential not to misinterpret the Pan-Turanianists’ familiarity with religious rituals, support for the cause of Islam, and professed Islamic faith; Pan-Turkists and Pan-Turanianists are Muslims. However, they are not strictly and politically religious like the Islamists; on another note, contrarily to the Kemalists, they are not irreligious, agnostics or indifferent to religion.
This is so because every nationalism is a theory, an ideology, and an academic-educational system elaborated to
a) alter (or at times monstrously distort) History (as History saved in original historical sources, i.e. textual evidence and epigraphic material),
b) romanticize numerous figuratively perceived (true or fake) moments of the past,
c) attribute to the ‘nation’ a racial and typically racist character (which is totally unreal and absolutely ahistorical; in total contradiction with all modern ‘nations’, all the various historical nations of the Antiquity and of the Christian-Islamic Ages never perceived themselves racially, but culturally-spiritually), and
d) utilize -within the context of politics (i.e. the modern, tyrannical and inhuman manner of governance)- the average people’s collective and personal sentimentalism (as machinated due to aforementioned points a, b, and c).
The ultimate targets of every nationalism and of every nationalist regime, establishment, institution, party, etc. are to
i) divert the knowledge, interest, belief and fascination of the masses from the true historical past, from all current issues, and from down-to-earth reality;
ii) direct the knowledge, interest, belief and fascination of the masses toward the prefabricated delusions of a mythical role, an unequivocal vocation, and an ultimate salvation of their (otherwise fake) ‘nation’, and
iii) exploit politically (either internally or externally) the ensuing situation of mass hypnotization, disorientation from the reality, obscurantism, and fictional existence.
All these fictional delusions are totally unrelated to each nation’s traditional culture and folklore, pre-modern national identity, historical past, textually evidenced historical perceptions of the past, and historically documented conceptualizations of the world/universe. It is therefore evident that every nationalism fabricates a new, previously nonexistent nation that we have to define as ‘political nation’, because the associated efforts originate from the modern system of governance and social organization that is called ‘politics’. In fact, every nationalism is a political ideology.
Every political nation is totally unrelated to the ‘historical nation’ that it had been, prior to the establishment of a modern political regime and to the diffusion of a nationalist ideology; every political nation has no roots in History, and that is why it is gradually cut off from its cultural-spiritual roots, traditions, and folklore.
A historical nation exists only in the past, in what we call ‘History’. A historical nation is real. All ancient nations were true and real; and more importantly, they were accurately perceived as such by all their natives.
A political nation exists only in the present, in what we call ‘mass delusion’ and ‘modern politics’. A political nation is fake; in reality, it does not exist. In modern times, what the masses perceive as ‘nation’ is a nonexistent delusion geared to absorb all the people across the Earth into the maelstrom of politics, the forgery of geo-politics, and the abomination of globalism/globalization. During this ominous process, all nations are transformed from ‘historical nations’ into ‘political nations’, thus totally losing
– their identity (in order to get as substitute a fake one),
– their integrity (in order to disappear among the disorderly pseudo-world of amalgamated pseudo-nations, bogus-cultures, relativized values, and immoral / amoral mindsets and behaviors), and therefore
– their raison d’être (because by historical standards they are not human anymore).
As such, a political nation is predestined to vanish to extinction; this is what we have exactly attested during the 19th and the 20th c., when politics and nationalisms were diffused via colonization; the present phenomenon of globalization is the natural consequence of colonization, politics and nationalisms.
Globalization is not the abnegation of nationalisms, but their continuation; the fake political nations were predestined to be amalgamated within the so-called global melting pot of
1- the politically correct, which is tantamount to morally incorrect,
2- the materialistic social context of industrialization, consumerism, marketing, advertisements, high technology, ceaseless crises, and mind controlling mass media, and
3- the farcical nonsense of the ‘social’ media, which involve the human defacement caused by the contamination called ‘Facebook’ and the human bestialization promoted by the diseases named ‘Google’, ‘Twitter’, MSN, etc.
In fact, only historical nations could successfully oppose, effectively counterbalance, and drastically outmaneuver the present phenomenon of globalization; that’s why they ‘had’ to disappear first.
Pan-Turanianism is not a nationalism because, in most of the cases of a Pan-Turanianist thinker, theoretician, intellectual, ideologist or activist, we don’t attest any effort to produce a political nation out of a historical nation. Furthermore and as I already said, Pan-Turanianism must be categorized at the antipodes of every nationalism; this is so because, instead of re-inventing one nation (i.e. forging a fake, ‘political nation’) and differentiating / distancing it from other nations, Pan-Turanianism tries to bring together and unite several historical nations that have common cultural and folklore background, spiritual-religious affinities, and linguistic – literary similarities. As such, Pan-Turanianism is rather a form of internationalism among all Turanian nations: Anatolian Turks, Azeris, Tatars, Turkmen, Circassians, Chechnyans, Qashqais, Hazaras, Uzbeks, Kyrgyzs, Kazakhs, Bashkirs, Chuvashes. Uighurs, Mongoliansm Tuvans, Yakuts, and many others.
The origins of Pan-Turanianism go certainly back to Mahmud al-Kashgari (Махмуд аль-Кашгари / محمود الكاشغري; 1005-1102), an outstanding scholar of his times, historian, geographer, ethnographer, linguist, lexicographer, mathematician, astronomer, sociologist and historian of religions. Although he mainly lived in Kashgar {in the southwestern confines of Eastern Turkestan, which has been known since 1955 as the ‘Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region’ (شىنجاڭ ئۇيغۇر ئاپتونوم رايونى /新疆维吾尔自治区) of China, because mainly Uighurs and Han Chinese live today in this area that is located in China’s northwestern extremities}, Mahmud al-Kashgari was not an Uighur; his father was a magistrate of the Turanian Afrasiab Empire, which modern historians usually call ‘Kara-Khanid Khanate’. That vast empire controlled most of Central and Northern Asiatic lands from the middle of 9th c. to the beginning of the 13th c. We know that Mahmud al-Kashgari’s family originated from the southeastern coast lands of the Issyk-Kul Lake in today’s Kyrgyzstan, and it is most probable that their origin was Karluk Turanians. Written in Arabic, his famous ‘Compendium of Turanian Languages’ (ديوان لغات الترك / Diwan Lughat al Turk) is an ethno-linguistic, literary, religious, cultural survey, critical commentary and panorama of his times’ Turanian languages, traditions, faiths, history, culture and folklore; this historical treatise provides the very first textual evidence of a common understanding among all Turanian nations.
The same can be said for Yusuf Balasaguni (Юсуф Баласагуни; known in Arabic as Yusuf Khass Hajib / يوسف خاصّ حاجب; Kyrgyz: Жусуп Баласагын; Kazakh: Жүсіп Баласағұни; 1019-1077), who was born in today’s Northern Kyrgystan and lived within the vast Afrasiab Empire (the Kara-Khanid Khanate). He was a great thinker, erudite scholar, poet, and statesman, who evidently realized the need for a unity among all Muslim Turanians, and this is extensively evidenced in his ‘Kutadgu Bilig’ (‘Blessed Knowledge’), which is the first entire book (saved down to our times) written in a Turanian language (namely in Kara-Khanid, through use of Farsi characters).
These early Pan-Turanian movements were intermingled with Islam; however, as the unprecedented and ever since unequaled conquests of Genghiz Khan (1158-1227) demonstrate, within the aureole of the Pan-Turanian circumference either Tengrism (which is a real religion in contrast with ‘Shamanism’, which is a Western projection and reconstruction) or Islam can easily be accommodated. However, there is an enormous historical obstacle to every Pan-Turanian concept, vision, theory or wish; the opposition between the Western and the Eastern Turanians has always been a determinant and almost permanent trait of all internal Turanian strives, conflicts and wars. Two calamitously sinister and apparently permanent characteristics seem to have always been inherent in the character, mentality and world conceptualization of almost all great Turanian emperors, conquerors, khaqans, shahs and sultans:
a) the deep polarization between nomadic and semi-nomadic or sedentary populations
{The Turanian nomads viewed always the sedentary Turanians as weaker, degraded, and fallen -if not even effeminate- people. Eastern Turanians viewed always as human shame the fact that Turanian tribes that moved to the West (in Central Asia) and to the South (China) preferred to abandon their nomadic life and to settle in various locations, building homes and becoming sedentary. This was not a matter of simple belief but of actual practice; when hundreds of years later, some Eastern Turanians raided in the West and found other Turanian tribes that had left Northeast Asia and settled in Central Asia, they treated them as slaves and did not spare their lives}, and
b) the customary division of an empire, khaqanate, sultanate, emirate, etc. among the ruler’s sons, who quarreled among themselves in extremis.
{Entire families went extinct because of the incessant fights among the brothers, the sons, the grandsons, the nephews, and the grandnephews of Turanian emperors, khaqans, sultans, khans, emirs, etc.; and along with them, entire empires collapsed and disappeared. Among the decayed Turkmen Ottomans family members, the assassination of a crown prince’s brothers was almost institutionalized in order to prevent younger brothers from eventually becoming a threat in the indefinite future.}
In Modern Times, the father of Pan-Turanianism is the Turkmen Magtymguly Pyragy (Махтумкули; Farsi: مختومقلی فراغی; Turkish: Mahtumkulu Firaki; 1724-1807). The father of Turkmen literature was a great mystic of the Naqshbandi Order, a multilingual poet, a rich conceptual thinker, an erudite scholar, and an unsurpassed traveler (from the Mughal Empire to the Ottoman Empire and across Central and Northern Asia). He expressed severe criticism for the divisions among Turanian nations and called for unity against foreign assaults that he was able to plainly document through his interminable travels. His social-cultural vision for a United Turan encompasses the cultural wealth, the linguistic affinities, the Muslim moral and spirituality, and the traditional system of social organization and governance of the Turanian nations. In his approach, there is no theological utilitarianism, no religious sectarianism, no ethnic racialism, no societal evolutionism, no governmental functionalism, no political-‘democratic’ delusionism, and no academic-intellectual elitism.
Magtymguly was a startling universalist, a fascinating symbolist, and a foremost transcendentalist; he must have appeared as the most unrealistic sage of his time, but in reality, he showed clearly to his innumerable readers across all Turanian lands that a conscious nation proud for the wealth of their folklore, the authenticity of their traditions, the clarity of their spirituality, and the strength of their virtues can be instituted as an infinite empire even without an emperor, if the selfishness of the various incompetent leaders and the introversion of a deliberately misled society are averted. For Magtymguly, a ‘nation’ is clearly a cultural entity with common ancestry, traditions, faith and language; Turan is therefore a constellation of many nations revolving around the same constituent elements. Some of Magtymguly poems must have certainly offered to Kemal Ataturk a great opportunity for prodigious reflection in his youth.
One century after Magtymguly passed away, a totally different environment had been formed across Asia due to the advance of the colonial powers (England, France, Holland and Russia). The diffusion of politics as a new but disastrous form of governance, the propagation of a wide range of political ideologies, the spread of numerous, sketchy nationalisms (hastily drafted mainly by foreign students of French and English academic seminars and Freemasonic lodges), the assault of the Western powers on the Sultans, the Shahs, the Gurkanian (: Great Mongols or Mughal), the Tianzi (天子, i.e. ‘Son of Heaven’, namely the Great Qing monarchs), the Czars, and the Kaisers, and the politicization of the religions formed a totally different and absolutely confusing environment. Misguided by this new milieu, many Turanians from the Balkans & Central Europe to North Africa to Central & Northeastern Asia started elaborating ways of national affirmation within the wider political, republican context.
Although the Western colonial capitals were ferocious and determined enemies of any perspective of a rising Turan across Asia and despite the ceaseless efforts of colonial academics and Orientalists to undermine and conceal all things Turanian, Paris and London agreed that a small dose of Pan-Turkism (diffused among Turkic peoples, i.e. only a part of the Turanian nations) would further destabilize both, the Ottoman Empire (the principal target of the colonial powers) and Czarist Russia (France’s and England’s most expendable ‘ally’). The Pan-Turkist and Pan-Turanian movements that initially started with Western help were predestined to fail pretty much like every other movement, party or state that was formed with Western colonial ‘assistance’. In fact, there were only few exceptions to this rule. The most impressive among them was Abdurreshid Ibrahim (Абдурашид Гумерович Ибрагимов; Turkish: Abdürreşid İbrahim; 1857-1944), an outstanding Tatar thinker, theologian, preacher, theoretician, activist, agitator, author, publisher of newspapers, reviews and magazines, founder of liberation movements, ambitious liberator and unifier of all Turanian nations, and adamant fighter for the cause of Pan-Turanian Muslim unity.
Unique personality of uncompromising discipline, foremost persistence, exemplary adaptation in different enironments, and paradigmatic readjustment under varied political conjunctures, Abdurreshid Ibrahim was born in Tara, a town then located in Tobolsk province, but currently incorporated in the province of Omsk in Western Siberia (Russia). Indefatigable traveler for the promotion of his cause, he pleaded for his vision almost everywhere between Tokyo and Istanbul, traveling perhaps more than any other explorer, military, intelligence agent, diplomat, entrepreneur or scholar of his time (from Japan to Italy to France – from NE Siberia to Mecca to Egypt). Risky adventurer, persuasive orator, and alternative visioner for almost all of his diverse interlocutors, Abdurreshid Ibrahim was able to explain why Pan-Turanian Muslim unity was useful to almost anyone except the colonial powers he was fighting against (namely Russia, England and France). Minor sample of his strong conviction and of his unmatched persuasion skills is the fact that, amongst other extraordinary circumstances of his fascinating life, he became the first imam of the first Tokyo mosque.
Abdurreshid Ibrahim had a very accurate and unbiased knowledge of Islamic and Asiatic History, particularly about the wider continent of Asia, which is now called ‘Eurasia’ by both, colonial forces whose constant preoccupation has always been to deceive all the others, and confused theoreticians whose ability to discern has evidently been insufficient to grasp that, during most of the last six millennia of History, Europe has permanently been the most underdeveloped, the most backward, the most barbarian, and the most useless peninsula of Asia.
Although not a traditional Muslim historian like Tabari, although not a traditional Muslim theoretician of governmental systems like Nizam al Mulk, although not a traditional Muslim conqueror like Timur, the self-instructed (thanks to his interminable travels) Abdurreshid Ibrahim had sufficient knowledge, perspicacity, and contextualization skills to conclude that
a) Russia was a fake state, which not only subjugated an enormous swath of Muslim populations, illegally occupying their vast lands, but also -and during no less than 400 consecutive years- subjected millions of people to enforced Christianization and Russification under threat of mass extermination;
b) the English colony of ‘India’ (British Raj) was the result of an illegal foreign occupation and constituted a criminal, anti-Turanian and anti-Muslim tyranny geared to monstrously deface the Turanian Muslim identity of Hindustan, Bengal and the Deccan, impose a revisionist pseudo-historical dogma, and produce a pseudo-Indian political nation through numerous terrorist processes, like the infamous Sanskritization campaign;
c) Japan and China were in reality parts of the Turanian world;
d) Shintoism and Confucianism consisted in earlier forms of monotheism similar to Tengrism; and
e) Iran and Turan were one ethnolinguistic, cultural and spiritual entity that incorporated nomadic, semi-nomadic and sedentary populations under the universal concept of a divine empire that was not different from similar conceptualizations attested in China.
Abdurreshid Ibrahim was neither a Pan-Islamist nor a modernist reformer (Jedid), as many colonial academics pretend today, thus fully distorting his vision and efforts; simply, it was an undeniable fact that the majority of the Turanians outside China and Japan were Muslims and those, who did not believe in Islam, ascribed themselves to forms of monotheistic spirituality that did not diverge much from the basic tenants of Islamic monotheism. Although an imam, he was not a rigid and strict theologian, because his incessant travels acquainted him with the multiple forms of perception and expression of the monotheistic spirituality.
He deployed his efforts not only at the level of popularizing his ideas and concepts among Muslims in Asia, Africa and Europe, but also by attempting to turn Japan, Austria-Hungary, Germany, Tibet, the Dalai Lama and the Buddhists, the Bogd Khanate of Mongolia, and the Ottoman Empre against Russia, England and France. He was able to extensively explain to each of them their respective interests in opposing the three colonial states, as well as the ensuing benefits for all of them. In parallel, he incited all the Turanians and all the Muslims exposed to European colonization threat against Russia, England and France. He was arrested many times and even more times, he was expelled from countries that he tried to turn against the colonial powers.
One has to admit however that, despite his unporecedented and ever since unrivelled zeal, Abdurreshid Ibrahim failed to achieve a substantive result. The reason for this is the fact that he basically acted without any proper, collective infrastructure, i.e. a movement, an organization, a front or an association. Actually, he needed what we would call today an international party. He did not realize the advantages deriving from the existence of various local nuclei of social activism and propaganda and from the organization of particular groups that would continue diffusing and popularizing his concepts, proposals, ideas, and vision, when he would not be anymore in that specific region or country, traveling to other locations and empires.
Abdurreshid Ibrahim was already expelled from the Ottoman Empire before the Young Turk Revolution (1908). As he was moving fast across vast distances, he returned to Istanbul at the time the Young Turks (Committee of Union and Progress) rose to power; he appeared as a most interesting thinker, thoughtful activist, and formidable agitator to the leading statesmen among the Young Turks, and they increasingly paid great attention to him, and to his proposals, calls and vision. His book ‘Alem-i-İslam ve Japonya’da İntişar-ı İslamiyet’ found many enthusiastic supporters among the Young Turks, who were trying to build lobbies of influence and to produce the necessary tools for their policies in various parts of the world. Many consider Enver Pasha (1881-1922) as the leading figure of Pan-Turkism, but there had not been a single seed of Pan-Turkism or Pan-Turanianism among the Young Turks prior to 1910.
It was only a proof of deep ignorance, shameless ingratitude, and pathetic populism from the part of the worthless and pathetic Turkish president that, during his a two-day visit in Azerbaijan (on December 9th 2020), while addressing the people of Azerbaijan, he praised Enver Pasha by saying “May the soul of Enver Pasha be blessed today” (https://southfront.org/azerbaijani-turkish-victory-parade-spells-dark-times-incoming-for-armenia/). In fact, and irrespective of whatever Enver Pasha’s soul may or may not be doing now, without Abdurreshid Ibrahim’s earlier propagated vision, manifested struggle, and numerous publications, speeches, pleas, and calls, Enver Pasha would have not be remembered as a champion of Pan-Turkism nowadays, and even his Caucasus campaign may have not taken place.
Enver Pasha’s gradual change and shift of position from a nebulous Ottoman Modernism to an ill-defined Pan-Turkism is entirely due to Abdurreshid Ibrahim. This shift caused the rift between Enver Pasha and Mustafa Kemal Pasha, who then (early 1912) started taking an always greater distance from the Young Turks. It is however true that, at those days, due to the multifaceted colonial assault on the Islamic World and the Asiatic empires, there seemed to be a certain propinquity among many activists with divergent ideals and beliefs. In fact, to some extent, Pan-Turkism (and Pan-Turanianism), Pan-Ottomanism and Pan-Islamism functioned at the time as communicating vessels of the anti-colonial forces, because the major concern and interest was not the establishment and the nature of a future state, but the immediate and effective repulsion of foreign attacks. As one could have expected, Abdurreshid Ibrahim was shrewd enough to understand that fake constructions, like Wahhabism and Political Islam, were mere vehicles of colonial policies and to reject them.
Abdurreshid Ibrahim fought againt the Italians in Libya, got Ottoman citizenship, became a leading member of Teşkilât-ı Mahsusa special forces, published the legendary newspaper İslam Dünyası, was appointed as close associate of Enver Pasha, and, although 60 years old, was engaged in the Ottoman front against the English at Basra, Southern Mesopotamia. In 1917, he was in Berlin to better forge a Tatar-Muslim-German alliance, whereas in 1918, he was an ally of the Communist forces in Russia. Soon afterwards, he was considered as a counter-revolutionary element, and this forced him to move back to Turkey and to Arabia. For Kemal Ataturk’s systematic approach and methodic effort to launch a new, solid, strong, and well-organized state, Abdurreshid Ibrahim did not represent an enemy but a risk. The same was valid for Enver Pasha, who was not even accepted back in Turkey, when he reached Batumi and tried to return to the state of Kemal Ataturk, which was still under formation. In 1935, Abdurreshid Ibrahim was deprived of his Turkish citizenship, and he returned to Central Asia, China and Japan, deploying there further efforts for his cause for another decade.
Contrarily to Enver Pasha, his half brother Nuri Killigil (1869-1949) lived in Turkey, after participating in many battles; he was a former general of the Ottoman army, leading officer of the Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa forces against the Italians in Libya and the English in Egypt during WWI. His major achievement is that, as the main recruiter and the sole commander of the Islamic Army of the Caucasus (Kafkas İslâm Ordusu; Azerbaijani: Qafqaz İslam Ordusu), he fought against the Communist (Bolshevik Baku Commune) and Armenian army and he liberated Azerbaijan in September 1918, before being forced to withdraw after the capitulation of the Ottoman Empire at Mudros (Armistice of Mudros; Mondros Mütarekesi). Although arrested by the English in 1919 Batumi, Nuri Killigil escaped to Erzurum with the help of his supporters and lived in Turkey where he established a rather small private business and abstained from any other activity.
Nuri Killigil remained however a dormant champion of Pan-Turkism for two decades, and after Ataturk’s death, he launched a military industrial plant. In 1941, he negotiated with Franz von Papen (Knight of Malta; Grand Cross of the Pontifical Order of Pius IX; 1879-1969), Germany’s ambassador in Ankara, the participation of Turkic and Turanian forces in the WWII at the side of the Germans, demanding in exchange the secession and independence of Turkestan (i.e. the entire Central Asia, Caucasus, sizeable parts of Siberia, and an important portion of European Russian territories). Thanks to his initiative and cooperation with von Papen, Nuri Killigil helped establish the Turkistanische Legion (Turkestan Legion) that coordinated actions with the Schutzstaffel (SS). After the end of WWII, English agents carried out a sabotage in his factory (in Istanbul’s Sütlüce district), assassinating him and many employees and workers. However, the Turkistanische Legion became a historically remarkable Treffpunkt of leading figures of Pan-Turkism and Pan-Turanianism, notably the Kazakh Mustafa Shokay (Мустафа Шокай; 1890-1941) and the Uzbek Baymirza Hayit (Boymirza Hayit Mahmudmirza o’g’li; Баймирза Хаит; 1917-2006).
For Kemal Ataturk, Pan-Turkism (and/or Pan-Turanianism) was not something inherently bad or necessarily pointless; but it was simply wrong under the then circumstances that prevailed from Western Balkans to India to Eastern Siberia. The timing for such an attempt was disastrous. According to Ataturk, attempts like the Basmachi movement in Central Asia (Basmacı hareketi; Басмачество; its peak was from November 1921 until August 1922, and under the leadership of Enver Pasha) were brave, heroic, and noble, but they were predestined to doom.
If we study the opposition between Kemal Ataturk from one side and from the other side all the tenants of Pan-Turkism and Pan-Turanianism, we will find an interesting parallel with another polarization that took place at those days within the sphere of Marxism–Leninism, namely the opposition between the doctrinal concept and theory of “socialism in a single country” (социализм в отдельно взятой стране) defended by Stalin and Bukharin in 1924 and the rather erratic idea of a permanent revolution, which -although insinuated by Marx and Engels- was propagated in the 1910s, 1920s and 1930s by Trotsky. It is the typical difference that we attest on many different occasions and about diverse issues; we commonly describe it as the divide between the two groups: “realists vs. idealists”.
Ziya Gökalp (1876-1924), an insignificant theoretician guided and ‘educated’ by French Orientalists in order to be locally used as per the needs of the colonial powers, is the enfant gâté of Western scholarship, when it comes to almost all things Oriental. Among other Western colonial falsifications, exaggerated flatteries, and nonsensical claims, he is portrayed as an important intellectual with a certain impact on the formation and the formulation of Pan-Turkic and Pan-Turanian ideas. That’s a lie. Ziya Gökalp was a Turk from Diyarbakır, who settled in Istanbul in 1895, and then, while studying, he was initiated in French Freemasonic lodges of the Ottoman capital. There, he received a most confusing and absolutely fallacious education meant to convert him to a tool for the promotion of catastrophic French theories, ideas, and ideologies in both, the Ottoman Empire and Turkey.
It was consequently normal for Ziya Gökalp to take strong positions against Pan-Ottomanism and Pan-Islamism. Attracted to and confused by different Western theoretical systems, he was practically unable to correctly perceive realities, whereas his attitude to ceaselessly theorize and to link his understanding of diverse situations to various Western pseudo-scientific dogmas and ideological aberrations led him to an impasse. In fact, Ziya Gökalp cannot be possibly considered either as an adept of Pan-Turkism and Pan-Turanianism or as a champion of Turkish nationalism and Turkism. As he was quite noticeable as a pro-French propagandist in the Orient, the English had to interfere, because Gökalp’s attraction to theories of the French Jew sociologist Émile Durkheim and to ideas of the German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche did not bode well for their plans in the wider region; he was then exiled to Malta (1919-1921).
Kemal Ataturk realized that Gökalp would be dangerous if left alone, due to the ideological confusion that characterized him, To keep the devil close (and thus render him harmless), the founder of Modern Turkey appointed Gökalp in the Ministry of Education in 1922 and guided him as to how to best define the Anatolian Turkish cultural identity of the Turkish nation. The points included in Gökalp’s ‘Principles of Turkism’ (Türkçülüğün esaslari; 1923) reflect the determinant role that Ataturk played at the definition phase of Türkiye Cumhuriyeti. Gökalp was also elected in the Grand National Assembly, participated in the drafting of the 1923 Constitution, and contributed greatly to the monumental educational reform that Ataturk launched in 1923-1924. Presented by many anti-Turkish Western racists, chauvinists and white supremacists as “Kurd”, Ziya Gökalp constitutes one of the many existing examples that the “Kurds” (at this point I am referring only to the Kurmanji) are in reality “Turks of the mountains” (dağların Türkleri). Contrarily to Anglo-French Freemasonic and to American Zionist propaganda, this term does not express ‘denial of separate identity’ but ‘declaration of true identity’.
The case of Alparslan Türkeş, who participated in several right wing political parties before launching his Nationalist Movement Party (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi; MHP), demonstrates only the degree of the interference of the British Intelligence in Turkey during the 1960s-1990s. This party became the vehicle of an ill-fated, semi-covered, and poorly conceived Pan-Turkism, and it was disastrously patented as a typical Wedtern nationalist party, because any explicit reference to Pan-Turkism or Pan-Turanianism would trigger immediate and drastic reaction from the military. In fact, the Cypriot Alparslan Türkeş was hired by the English colonials to help them control, within the political spectrum of post-Ataturk Turkey, an entire political-ideological sector that they considered as dangerous for their interests in Turkey. This means that, if other major powers controlled this ideological-sociopolitical sector in Turkey and diffused through a political party various ideas, theories and approaches harmful for the English interests across Asia, the extent of disaster for the colonial schemes of England would considerable. This point must be taken seriously into consideration.
Unfortunately for the English and for the otherwise useless politician and founder of MHP, his extremist rhetoric revealed only the emptiness of his party’s ideology and the ineffectiveness of his Bozkurtlar (Grey Wolves) youth organization’s political action over several decades. Then, Alparslan Türkeş’ immediate successor at the party leadership, Devlet Bahceli, gradually eliminated all English stooges and the pro-English elements from the party, thus opening the path for a most determined anti-Western stance of MHP. Several Turkish military officers (previously thought to be Kemalist and pro-Western) became then members of the party only to prove how greatly beneficial for the interests of China MHP can be, particularly if in Turkey’s parliament the Islamists do not form the majority.
Pan-Turanianists in Turkey were catapulted to power in July 2016, due to the failure of the coup of their pro-Western Islamist rivals. Some events possess an inherent symbolism: on Wednesday, 28 September 2016, funeral rites were performed for Nuri Killigil (also known as Nuri Pasha) at Edirnekapı Martyrs Cemetery in Istanbul for the first time, no less than 67 years after his assassoination. In 1949, intensively pressurized by English diplomats and self-motivated against all champions of Pan-Turkism and/or Pan-Turanianism, the Turkish Kemalist government of Mehmet Şemsettin Günaltay ordered Turkey’s leading religious authority to issue a ruling as per which Killigil was buried without the traditional Islamic funeral rituals because his body was dismembered in the explosion. Rectifying a past ‘mistake’ (or simply taking revenge against a ‘wrongdoing’ perpetrated by political opponents before almost seven decades, shows clearly that the Pan-Turanianist agenda was in full motion already only two months after the failed coup of 15 July 2016,
C – The Kemalists
Kemal Ataturk was not a Kemalist, and he never asked anyone to be. As already described quite sufficiently in previous units, the founder of Modern Turkey did not elaborate any theory or ideology; and he never demanded from anyone among his associates, friends, and assistants to compose any. Societies do not need theories composed by irrelevant individuals to prosper and survive. States do not need ideologies to be established, developed and improved. Governments do not need philosophical systems to opt for the correct decision and to act drastically and effectively.
Societies can radiate and expand or regress and disappear due to the creative (or destructive) initiative of their members; societies’ welfare hinges on moral principles and virtues, cultural integrity, knowledge, wisdom, inventiveness, productivity, and solidarity.
States can thrive and triumph or decline and vanish because of the skills of their elites to comprehensively perceive the world, the ability of their rulers to creatively conceptualize the universe, the capability of their spiritual masters to inculcate the entire nation with the true meaning of their identity and the particular values of their culture, and the talent of their military in terms of proper contextualization (balance of power), foe identification, and threat prediction and elimination.
Governments can succeed and excel or fail and fall thanks to the accuracy of their assessments, the realism of their purposes, the effectiveness of their targets, the alternative approaches that they develop, the innovative methods that they employ, and the inventive tactics that they implement.
The above is enough to explain why Kemal Ataturk was always unrelated to theories, political ideologies, any worthless intellectualism, and every attempt to locally institute a cult of personality (in striking contrast with inferior rulers like Stalin, Mao, Hitler and others). The founder of Modern Turkey was a practical and effective ruler, and as such he was a simple person with no complexes of inferiority and no other detrimental psychological problems and anomalies like those that characterize many contemporary politicians and statesmen. Quite unfortunately, as it happened many times throughout History, several people around him did not have his dedication, commitment, courage and zeal; they paid only lip service to his instructions and did not follow his outstanding example. They were close to him not because they wanted to offer their lives for the national salvation and advance of Anatolia, but due to utilitarian calculations and to material benefits that they intended to extract.
In few cases, around Kemal Ataturk, there were also agents of the English and the French secret services; they reported to their masters insightful details, they were guided by the colonial powers in their steps, and they acted in many different ways in order to gradually divert the newly established state from its orbit, modify the fundamental concepts stipulated within the 1923 Constitution, and reduce Turkey to a mere tool of the colonial powers’ plans. For this to do, these agents, who were disguised as passionate admirers and followers of Ataturk, carried out a low intensity sabotage that lasted for long.
The basic colonial plan providing for the destruction of the entire Islamic World included also methods related to the following:
1- exploitation of the religious feelings up to turning the believers to narrow-minded idiots,
2- diffusion of bogus-Islamic theological systems that mentally incapacitate those who believe them,
3- promotion of pseudo-religious obscurantism that makes the people disregard -if not disrespect- other cultures, systems of spirituality, literatures, religions, arts and civilizations,
4- encouragement of abject ignorance, which is a guarantee that the targeted nation will be divided, plunged into civil wars, and incapacitated to cope with the world’s leading powers,
5- stimulation of vicious disregard for Turkey’s new, secular educational system, which should have been copied and implemented across all Muslim nations,
6- incitement of hatred against the secular state, whereas all Muslim nations should be organized in secular states,
7- exhortation for opposition against the authorities, whereas all Muslims, and all nations across Asia, Africa and Latin America must be educated, prepared and predetermined to destroy the colonial states and take revenge for the Crimes against the Mankind that were perpetrated during the colonial era and the post-colonial (or neo-colonial) times,
8- inspiration of accentuated religious division among Muslims, and
9- cultivation of disrepesct for Kemal Ataturk, etc.; the last five methods constitute an unprecedented discharge of venom that turns every unconscious recipients not only to fake Muslims and hypocrites but to inhuman beasts that have no place on Earth.
It would not be however strange to attest similar practices and policies in the territories of France and England in Africa and Asia, because the colonial gangsters did their best to spread barbarism and hatred from India to Egypt to Algeria. But it is impressive to notice that in Turkey, even at the time of Kemal Ataturk, several people among his associates and followers carried out some of the above methods in a clandestine manner, being confident that their colonial masters would later promote them to high positions in the government.
This is the way all the so-called ‘revolts’ commenced in Kemal Ataturk’s Turkey; initially these events were nothing more than simple protests, which were due to the fact that the groundbreaking changes introduced by the founder of Turkey were not duly explained, extensively discussed, systematically propagated or -if you prefer- effectively marketed among vast populations that could not understand the essence of, and the need for, these changes. After the early stage of these demonstrations, when high dignitaries of the state were dispatched to villages, towns, and cities in Eastern Anatolia, the situation turned worse, because some of these officials were in reality agents of the colonial powers and deliberately worsened the troubles, causing havoc and bloodshed in an effort to shake the state of Kemal Ataturk from its foundations.
A typical example a similar state dignitary was the pathetic crypto-Islamist, disreputable traitor, and agent of the British Intelligence, İhsan Sabri Çağlayangil (1908-1993), former Minister of Foreign Affairs, President of the Senate, and Acting President of Turkey for five months in 1980 (before being overthrown – thank God – by the military coup of General Kenan Evren). There were several people like him back in the late 20s and early 30s; idiotic Muslim conservatives, so-called Sunni laymen, they hated Kemal Ataturk just ‘because he abolished the Caliphate’. They were unable to understand that, with the gradual collapse and the advanced decomposition of the Ottoman Empire over the period 1798-1923, the term “Islamic Caliphate” had already become -in and by itself- a synonym to “parody”, “misery”, “failure”, and “disgrace”.
Even before Kemal Ataturk abolished it, the Islamic Caliphate was the World History’s perfect example to avoid, i.e. the epitome of the most disastrous dereliction. These useless ‘Sunni’ conservative idiots were unable to understand the word ‘self-criticism’ in any language across the Earth. Consequently, they were easily recruited by the Istanbul-based agents of the English and French colonials, who -by means of flattery, bribery and false promises- employed them against Turkey and Kemal Ataturk. They were customarily instructed to publicly appear as pro-Ataturk, to become CHP party members, and to pretend to serve the cause of the secular state, while in reality they were continually instructed as to how to erode it from inside.
Çağlayangil, at the age of 29, was a low level official dispatched to Tunceli (then Dersim) with the task to supervise the trial of Seyit Riza (1863-1937), a Zaza Alevi imam, who protested against various omissions in the new manuals of History and other cultural-educational issues. Seyit Riza was personally known to Kemal Ataturk, whom he had met and discussed with. Contrarily to the unspeakable lies contained with the purposefully fallacious Western colonial bibliography, the Dersim protests did not have any national/ethnic character, and all the Zaza believed that they were Turks, which is actually the historical truth. What was at stake then was a matter of spiritual, cultural and educational nature. It was not an ethnic conflict at all.
The Dersim protesters demanded a more stressed presentation of the Anatolian Alevi culture within the historical manuals of the Turkish secular education. These demands exacerbated the rancor of the filthy crypto-Sunni traitors, the puppets and spies of the colonial powers, who used to posture as ‘Kemalists’ at those days. In this manner, the old Sunni theological odium against the Anatolian Spirituality and the Mevlevi and Bektashi Orders was rekindled. However, these two spiritual orders were already outlawed and banned by Kemal Ataturk, because they had already been infiltrated by evil theologians, gone astray, and become pointless, ineffective and worthless.
Although the vicious murderer Çağlayangil had the power to offer rightful guidance to the judges and to explain to them the reasons for which the evidently innocent imam Seyit Riza had to be acquitted and the whole issue had to be peacefully terminated, he deliberately forced them to condemn him to death. In this manner, the crypto-Sunni criminal Çağlayangil had Seyit Riza hanged, because his colonial masters wanted much blood to be shed, so that they can reactivate all sorts of sectarian divisions in Turkey anytime they would choose as per their interests.
After Ataturk’s death, Çağlayangil shamelessly continued comfortably posturing as ‘Kemalist’, which is of course a disgrace for Modern Turkey, but in Anatolia he is irrevocably remembered until today as the ‘malignant executor’ and the ‘Dersim butcher’.
In fact, the so-called Kemalists appeared as such only to stage manage the hijack and the holdup of the state of Kemal Ataturk. It was not a military coup, but a theatrical play staged after the death of Kemal Ataturk and interpreted by his vicious and venomous enemies, who had been earlier masqueraded as his associates, assistants and followers. The Anglophile pseudo-Freemason İsmet İnönü was the first among them; his catastrophic tenure (1938-1950) served only the English interests, and he was good enough only to materialize the three primary colonial targets:
a) turn the unitary, solidary, and monolithic society of Turkey, which was organized on the basis of a one-party system (CHP), and the equitable and magnificent state of Kemal Ataturk into a Western political swamp, a monstrous ‘democratic’ tyranny, and a multi-party elite dissociated from the average people;
b) keep Turkey out of WWII as a neutral partner of England and the US – at the detriment of Turkey’s interests in Caucasus, Iran, Central Asia, and all the previously Ottoman territories. This policy did not have catastrophic consequences only for Turkey, but also for the wider region, and the entire world; and
c) prepare the terrain for the first Islamist ‘product’ of the West, i.e. the execrable and perverse crypto-Islamist Adnan Menderes, who became prime minister of Turkey only after being helped by İnönü, subsidized by Western stooges in Turkey, and promoted by the Western embassies.
Menderes’ primary task (ordered by his Western masters) was to dismantle the state of Kemal Ataturk. The fact that he signed Turkey’s entry to NATO (18/2/1952), thus abandoning Turkey’s neutrality, which had been the cornerstone of the state’s foreign policy for more than three decades, demonstrates very clearly that all Islamists are products of the colonial powers and traitors of their own countries. The shameful and treacherous Menderes worked hard for ten years in order to destroy the pillars of Turkey’s national independence, preparing Ankara for full American tutelage. Thank God, he was overthrown by a military coup d’état (27 May 1960) undertaken by young officers who had not been contaminated like most of the Turkish generals due to their contacts with NATO, English and US officers. However, the problem is that the treacherous policies introduced by İsmet İnönü and pursued by Menderes left deep traces in Turkey’s political life.
From the 1960s to the early 2000s, the tragicomical play of Kemalism was staged incessantly in full disrespect of Kemal Ataturk’s legacy and memory; some Kemalists would appear as conservative under Süleyman Demirel, an anti-American puppet of the English colonials, whereas others would propagate social democratic ideas under Bülent Ecevit, an American stooge, balanced politician, and intellectual with strong background in Bengali and Sanskrit. Both tendencies had nothing in common with the typical practices, approaches and perceptions of the founder of Modern Turkey; the former group was at the antipodes of Kemal Ataturk’s Devrimcilik (Reformism; also defined as inkılapçılık), whereas the latter promoted an enormous distortion of Kemal Ataturk’s Devletçilik, which does not imply ‘statism’ and ‘state-run economy’ but underscores the role of the state in promoting and guaranteeing modernization, economic sanitization, and free market economy.
Carrying out, step-by-step, the worst distortion of Kemal Ataturk’s heritage for more than four decades, Kemalists reflect Shakespeare’s following verses better than anybody else in the world, thus revealing what they truly are:
“the best actors in the world, either for tragedy, comedy, history, pastoral, pastoral-comical, historical-pastoral, tragical-historical, tragical-comical-historical-pastoral, scene individable, or poem unlimited. Seneca cannot be too heavy, nor Plautus too light. For the law of writ and the liberty, these are the only men”
Hamlet: Act 2 Scene 2
The decades-long theatrical play involved also a most decorous scene: portraits, busts and statues of Kemal Ataturk started being placed everywhere. This is actually the way I, personally, came to understand that ‘Kemalism’ and ‘Kemalists’ for Turkey’s ruling classes meant simply “ruling in the name of Kemal Ataturk, while implementing coincidentally opportune policies that have nothing in common with the perceptions, the approaches, the methods, and the practices demonstrated by the founder of Turkey”.
I must confess that -thank God- I realized this troublesome situation very early, and more precisely in 1974, when I was just 18 years old; it was all due to my persistence to invite my father to the cinema so that we watch the famous Murder on the Orient Express, which was directed by Sidney Lumet and featured an exceptional, all-star crew. As my father preferred Maurice Leblanc’s Arsène Lupin to Agatha Christie’s Hercule Poirot as novel character, my only chance to convince him to come with me was the superb presence in the movie of his beloved Ingrid Bergman. Istanbul is an important setting in the early part of the movie, and several scenes were shot in the Sirkeci Railway station (built in 1890), which -back in the 1930s (when the novel plot is set)- was the eastern terminus of the Orient Express.
My father was quick to understand that the filmmakers made several mistakes; in one shot, an enormous portrait of Kemal Ataturk appears on a wall. My father, who lived in Turkey during the major part of Ataturk’s tenure, laughed regrettingly and made a negative comment, stating that there were no portraits of the founder of Modern Turkey in Turkey while he was alive. Apparently, this was a major mistake of the film’s set designer. This can be easily noticed in this part of the movie: 12:19-12:22 (2:01:56); you can watch it here: https://vk.com/video434648441_456240441
And this concludes the case of the Kemalists, who for many decades attempted to merge to good and the evil, and to combine virtue and depravity; their ‘Kemal Ataturk’ was therefore a caricature of Oriental pompous arrangments and Occidental hypocritical backstage. When the conservative and social-democrat Kemalists were divided, each into two parties, back in the early 1990s, many -even highly placed magistrates and military officers- believed that these divisions were due to personal feuds; they were all wrong. There was no personal antagonism; there was Western (US, English, French, and German) interference, manipulation and machination.
In 1995, there was absolutely no difference between Tansu Çiller (Doğru Yol Partisi; True Path Party – 19.18%) and Mesut Yılmaz (Anavatan Partisi; Motherland Party – 19.65%); and Bülent Ecevit (Demokratik Sol Partisi; Democratic Left Party – 14.64%) and Deniz Baykal (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi; Republican People’s Party – 10.71%) did not differ in anything. The two conservative parties had together 39% of the voters; and the two social-democratic parties together accounted for 25% of the voters. Refah Partisi (Necmettin Erbakan’s party) was first with only 21.38%. Only because of the electroral law, two parties (Refah Partisi and Doğru Yol Partisi) totaling 40.5% of the voters formed a majority government that was rejected by the parliamentarians of three parties (Anavatan Partisi, Demokratik Sol Partisi, and Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi) supported by 45% of the voters. It appeared as the total oxymoron, but it was carefully planned – by the criminal gangsters of US, NATO, England and France.
One must confess that, in the euphoria of those days, few people were shrewd enough to realize that the end was very close, and that to prevent the end from coming, Kemal Ataturk’s principles had to immediately and solemnly be restated, his values reinstated, and his practices reinvigorated. However, these people were persecuted, defamed, and kicked out, following the intervention of several Western ambassadors, consuls, and intelligence service agents; even Lady Diana’s murder organizers were involved in that story. These people however knew very well that there were no conservatism and no social democracy in Ataturk.
Revealing the truth to the average Turks would then be a very shocking experience, because the vast majority of the population was convinced that all the party leaders and members had undeniable and impeccable credentials of Kemalism. This was exactly the problem; Ataturk never demanded for a Kemalist ideology to posthumously substitute him. The founder of Modern Turkey wanted his successors to continue having the same perception that he had, deploying the same methods that he did, developing the same approaches that he exemplified, and carrying out the same practices that he introduced and indicated as correct.
Even more ridiculous were the results of the fake elections of 2002. If Tansu Çiller (9.54%) and Mesut Yılmaz (5.13%), who had basically identical political programs, were united in one conservative party, they would surpass the 10% limit, enter the parliament, and prevent the Islamists from having majority. They would then form the next government, striking an alliance with Deniz Baykal (19.39%) as prime minister. This development would automatically place Turkey within the European Union, and this was exactly what several Western European countries did not want – not because of the fake pretext of Islamism (that they use now thanks to Erdogan’s unnecessary existence, and which did not exist at the time), but because they would lose their privileges, due to the simple fact that in such case the numbers would speak for themselves: UK, Poland and Turkey would destroy once for all the ominous ‘German-French axis’.
The Turkish general elections of 2002 were a shameful matter of unprecedented Western involvement, manipulation and machination; for the colonial targets against Turkey to be easily achieved the entire Turkish political life was further multi-divided, and new parties appeared being generously subsidized by foreign embassies only for the fraudulent purpose of placing an Islamist government in Ankara.
Cem Uzan, a successful businessman (whose enterprises were later confiscated by the Islamists, following specific US-UK orders), launched a liberal party (7.25%) with the help of France; Ismail Cem, former Foreign Minister, formed his own party (fully financed by the CIA) and got 1.15%; Muhsin Yazıcıoğlu, a former MHP (Pan-Turkist) deputy (1991, 1995), who had already formed his party (Büyük Birlik Partisi–BBP; Great Unity Party) in 1993 with the help of some German international circles, was able to reach 1.02%, which was enough to force Devlet Banceli (Alparslan Türkeş’ successor and MHP leader) out of the parliament (because of his meager 8.36%), which was also due to the extreme political multi-division and to the participation of another, minor, Pan-Turkist party in the electoral fraud of 2002.
Thus, the stage was prepared for the next theatrical play, namely the false dilemma ‘Islamists vs. Kemalists’, which is nothing more than the Oriental version of the duel between ‘I Capuleti e i Montecchi’ (the Capulets and the Montagues). Deputies from all the political parties of today’s Turkey are idiotic enough to still believe that the founder of Turkey wanted to ‘please’ the French and the English and for this reason he ‘westernized’ the country. Only besotted and demented people can possibly believe this. Many brainless Kemalists support therefore various branches of pro-Western and Western ideologies only to deliberately express a sentimental reaction against the Islamists, and because they erroneously assume that the Islamists are anti-Western, whereas the Islamists are the very products and the true enfants gâtés of the Western colonial world. Some people would be ready to attempt to denigrate these pro-Westerners as ‘fake Kemalists’, but that is wrong indeed; all Kemalists are fake. The true supporters of Kemal Ataturk are those, who properly value without misinterpreting his example and comprehensively exemplify him in their own perceptions, approaches, methods, and practices.
Pro-Western Kemalists are indeed the worst enemies of Kemal Ataturk’s legacy and example; they terribly distort the very words of the founder of Turkey. In this regard, the distinguished Prof. Erol Manisalı, widely considered as Turkey’s foremost Kemalist but in reality consisting in Turkey’s most genuine interpreter of Kemal Ataturk’s mindset, concepts, choices and decisions, reminded Ataturk’s true words to everyone in an excellent article that was recently published (1/12/2020) in Turkey’s most acclaimed newspaper Cumhuriyet under the meaningful title “Erdoğan’ın ‘Avrupa çıkışı’nın arkası” (Behind Erdogan’s ‘European exit’). After a brief but very convincing analysis, the venerable academician made a sentence only to include a most crucial statement made back in the 1920s by Kemal Ataturk: «”İstikametimiz Avrupa değil, bilim ve çağdaş uygarlık değerleridir” dedi». («”Our destination is not Europe, but science and contemporary civilization values”, he said»). https://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/yazarlar/erol-manisali/erdoganin-avrupa-cikisinin-arkasi-1795152
Kemal Ataturk teaching the Roman alphabet in Constantinople, circa 1928. (Photo by Fotosearch/Getty Images).
Post WWII Europe abandoned the values of contemporary civilization and now, along with America, will get decomposed and disappear. It is high time for Turkey’s Kemalists to abandon their pseudo-ideology and to return to the true perceptions, approaches, methods, and practices of Kemal Ataturk, as enshrined in the 1923 Constitution. Otherwise, the theatrical play, i.e. the false dilemma ‘Islamists vs. Kemalists’ (Capulets vs. Montagues), will be performed in all its majestic tragedy. The vicious colonial propaganda, as per which the Turkish political life revolves around two poles, namely the Islamists and the Kemalists, is a poisonous lie; this is the poison, which at the end kills both, Romeo and Juliet.
Kemalists and Islamists have very little time left before they
– overwhelmingly break all negotiations with EU,
– unilaterally withdraw Turkey from NATO,
– immediately ensure full membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation,
– re-organize and rearm the Turkish army after the Chinese model,
– offer China sizable naval bases in the Mediterranean (Bodrum) and in the Black Sea (Iğneada, Demirköy, Kırklareli province),
– launch a nation-wide alternative to the global Internet (dubbed Turannet) in cooperation with China, Russia and Iran (projected to also include Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Pakistan),
– open ten (10) Chinese universities in Turkey and ten (10) Turkish universities in China, thus progressively making Chinese the first foreign language in Turkey, and
– turn the region of Kaş (Antalya province) into the Sea Route’s major harbor and trade hub in the Meduterranean for the New Silk Road (OBOR – One Belt One Road) project, and link it with the Balkan Peninsula via a new highway and a high speed railway through Denizli, Uşak, Balıkesir, a Çardak – Gelibolu underwater tunnel (Çanakkale Boğazı; ‘Strait of Çanakkale’), and Edirne. Re-orienting 21st c. Turkey toward the East, and more specifically China, is the only correct, new strategic choice that corresponds exactly to what Kemal Ataturk did before 100 years, when he re-oriented the Ottoman Empire toward the West, thus founding Modern Turkey. Turkey’s Drang nach Osten is the only magnificent project that would truly be as groundbreaking and as world-shattering as Kemal Ataturk’s enduring legacy. Such a move will be the world’s terminal endgame changer. It will catapult Turkey to worldwide supremacy as one of the five main superpowers of tomorrow’s world, impose the Anatolian-Mesopotamian-Iranian-Turanian Cultural Heritage as the Epicenter of World History, force the Mankind to revolve around the New Silk Road, and terminate the corrupt, useless and barbarian Western World irrevocably.
What follows is my response to a Somali friend who asked me about various aspects of the colonial distortion of African History with focus on the Horn Region, the historical background of the ethnic and culture divide between Semitic Abyssinia and Cushitic Ethiopia, and the ensuing benefits for the colonial powers France, England and America. The unprecedented affair of historical name usurpation by Abyssinia (‘Ethiopia’ is the historical name of Sudan – not of Abyssinia) brings into the picture Sudan, Africa’s greatest land and possible anti-colonial locomotive, which was continually, systematically and efficiently targeted by the colonial powers with the evil theories of Pan-Arabism and Islamism.
Answer to a Somali friend about Colonial Distortion of African History
Dear Mohamed,
Thank you for your questions and apologies for my late response!
I don’t know to what exactly you are referring by mentioning the “Amhara distortion of Ethiopia’s and Horn of Africa region’s History”. This sentence is not clear and perhaps you misunderstood parts of an article of mine.
The Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians did not “distort” any region’s or country’s History. They simply had their own version of world view, their own eschatology, their historical tradition, which was a forgery of course, and their expansionist plans. That’s one point.
A totally different point is the Western falsification of the World History, which started in parts of Western Europe as early as 1500, and after being tyrannically and deceitfully imposed there, it was ‘exported’ worldwide by means of colonization, modernization and globalization.
These two issues were two initially unrelated developments that one needs to first study per se (independently); only at a later stage the two developments converged. The point of conversion was surely the period from the middle of the 19th c. to the middle of the 20th c. when the Amhara and Tigray Abyssinian rulers adjusted their visions and world views to the Western historical forgery and established a link with the Western plans for globalization, however managing to keep their tyranny far and almost cut off (if possible intact) from the rest of the world, because they did not agree with various elements of the Westernization process. By this, I mean that the world-known situation of underdevelopment that still characterizes Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia) today was a very conscious decision of the Abyssinian rulers (be they monarchical, Third World communist or pseudo-republican) of the country over the past 70-140 years.
I. Abyssinia re-baptized as ‘Ethiopia’: a French colonial concept and decision
However, it was not an Abyssinian decision to re-baptize the country as “Ethiopia”; this was a Western plan that Haile Selassie only followed and implemented locally. Your question reminds me of the telephone call of an Australia-based Oromo friend of mine back in April 2007.
This long telephone call resulted in an article that I then published under the title “Ethiopia: a Panacea for Tyrants, a Stiletto in Colonial Hands” (27th April 2007) in AfroArticles, Buzzle and American Chronicle; that article was extensively republished at the time, but I think that by now it is not anymore available online. So, I promise you now that I will do my best to re-upload it within the next few days.
In that article, I expanded on this issue; it was my former professor of Egyptology in Paris (from 1978 until 1981), Jean Leclant (1920-2011 / read his curriculum in brief here: https://journals.openedition.org/lettre-cdf/2729?lang=en), who convinced his personal friend Haile Selassie to officially rename “Abyssinia” as “Ethiopia”.
When events of such importance take place, one has to automatically understand that they don’t reflect the innovative ideas of a young Egyptologist (who was also fluent in Ge’ez), but constituted deep colonial state machinations and evil conspiracies.
It may sound strange to you, but the real reason of re-baptizing Abyssinia with the historical name that describes Sudan (something that was well-known to Leclant) has more to do with Sudan itself, and less with Abyssinia.
Basically, it has to do with the general and vast falsehood that colonial diplomats, Orientalist academics, and statesmen diffuse and impose worldwide as “World History”; it is only a small piece in an entire mosaic.
When Leclant was assigned the task (following earlier diplomatic contacts between the French ambassador and Haile Selassie) to set up the Service of Antiquities in Abyssinia (: Fake Ethiopia), another French scholar, Jean Vercoutter (1911-2000, so 9 years older than Leclant) was tasked (following earlier agreements between the French and the English diplomats at Khartoum) to establish the Service of Antiquities in Sudan (when that country became independent).
II. Sudan, the only true Ethiopia: the ultimate target of the criminal colonial Orientalists in the middle 1950s
What the French colonials (who are the main standard bearers of the worldwide colonial historiography and of all the ensuing fallacies and distortions) wanted to achieve was this: they wanted to disconnect Sudan from
– its own past and 5000-year old heritage,
– its diverse and multifaceted historical tradition,
– its true national name,
– its African cultural identity, and – above all –
– the enormous perspectives that the historical reality de facto offers to Sudan at the academic, educational, intellectual, cultural, political, regional and international levels.
In other words, they wanted to prevent Africa’s largest country from rising to political, economic, academic, intellectual and geostrategic supremacy, which would be very easy, following a proper nation-building effort, which would involve a genuine, historical name for the country and a real, clear linguistic-cultural identity.
Sudan is the only country that has historical right to the name of Ethiopia. And Leclant knew this very well because his thesis concerned the historical period of the 8th and the 7th c. BCE, when first Upper (: Southern) Egypt and then Lower (: Northern) Egypt were under Cushitic / Ethiopian, i.e. Sudanese control. This development occurred because the Egyptian priesthood of Amun at Thebes (Luxor) wanted to use the Napata (today’s Karima)-based Kings of Cush (Kas in Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphics) in its clash with the Heliopolitan priesthood of Ra, which was based in the area of today’s Cairo and supported by Berber princes of the African North-Northwest (spanning across the area of today’s NW Egypt, Libya and the African Atlas).
The Egyptian Hieroglyphic term ‘Kas’ (also used among the Cushites of Ancient Sudan – Ethiopia for their own land, country and kingdom) was translated as Mat Kusi in Assyrian-Babylonian and as Cush in Ancient Hebrew; it was the equivalent of the Ancient Greek term ‘Ethiopia’, and we know this not only because there are Ancient Greek historical references to the state immediately south of Egypt as ‘Ethiopia’, but also because in the Septuagint Ancient Greek translation (3rd c. BCE) of the Hebrew Bible the terms ‘Cush’ and ‘Ethiopia’ are used in Ancient Greek interchangeably.
Jebel Barkal (the holy mountain of Amun of Napata, venerated by the Ancient Cushites-Ethiopians of Sudan and by the Ancient Hamites of Kemet-Egypt) at the outskirts of Napata (today’s Karima) and the pyramids of the Cushitic Qore (: Kings) of the 8th-5th c. BCE (first two pictures); El Kurru pyramids near Karima (third picture); Nuri pyramids on the other bank of the Nile, opposite Karima and near Marawi (fourth picture)
At this point, it is important to add that first, the territory of Ancient Cush with either Napata or Meroe as capital never encompassed lands of Abyssinia, and second, there was never a significant state located in the area of Abyssinia before Axum; and Axum rose to power only in the 4th c. CE.
Now, you may ask me what would be the result of a right nation building process carried out in Sudan in the late 1950s and the 1960s. This would be astonishing, but few people can now comprehend what great developments for the entire African continent the evil colonial fallacy of the French managed to avert.
Meroe and its pyramids represent a later phase of Ancient Sudanese, i.e. Ethiopian – Cushitic Civilization (4th c. BCE – 4th c. CE), which is totally unrelated to Abyssinia (today’s Fake Ethiopia)
III. What would happen if Sudan did not fall victim of Pan-Arabism, Nasserism and Islamism?
First, the Sudan would not be plunged in the Arab Nationalist (or Pan-Arabic) fallacy that absorbed all the resources of the victimized countries, which accepted this colonial Orientalist distortion and, after losing their true national identities, were plunged into disastrous wars, civil strives, severe oppression, genocides (like Darfur), and choleric processes of linguistic Arabization and pseudo-religious Islamization.
There is not even one drop of Arab blood in any Sudanese citizen’s veins. The country accepted Islam at a later age and without any sort of invasion. This is also true for Upper Egypt; Sohag, Qena, Luxor and Aswan do not have an Islamic past that exceeds 1100 years. Iberia and North India, Central Asia and Sicily were under Islamic rule, Constantinople was attacked by Islamic armies, but Luxor and Aswan were calm and pious Christian cities of the Kingdom of Nobatia that had capital at Faras, near Abu Simbel.
The fallacious Arab identity of a genuinely non-Arab country like Sudan alienated the quasi-totality of the African nations gathered within the colonial structure under a fake name and a monstrous identity. All these ancient and noble African nations did not need to either learn the fabricated, fake modern pseudo-language that is called ‘Modern Arabic’ or to become Muslim.
There were already enough Muslims in the Sudan, from the Furis (of Darfur) to the Nubians to the Beja to the Berta; modern Sudan’s most illustrious anti-colonial exploits and heroic battles were undertaken by Muslims. First Sudan and the noble leader of Muhammad Ahmad the Mahdi stood against the Anglo-French colonial cholera and died fighting to avert Africa’s colonization. Quranic Arabic was their religious language and it was wonderful like that. These Muslims did not have major clashes with the non-Muslims of various adjacent regions. Only within the abnormal and inhuman frame of the vicious, Satanic colonial rule, all African nations were oppressed and all Africans started fighting against one another.
Axum, the capital of Ancient Abyssinia during pre-Christian and Christian (4th – 7th c. CE); Abyssinians spoke and wrote Ge’ez, which remains until today the religious language of the Modern Abyssinians, i.e. the Amhara and Tigray. Abyssinians are Yemenites who crossed the Red Sea and settled in Africa as late as the 2nd half of the 1st millennium BCE. The famous stelae of Axum testify to Axum’s pre-Christian civilization and date back to the first centuries of the Christian Era.
IV. What a true nation-building would mean for Sudan, rightfully named ‘Ethiopia’
With Ethiopia as national name, Sudan would give all its citizens the true portion of historical heritage and antiquity that belongs to them and they would all find elements of their culture, spirituality, faith and world view in the Ancient Cushitic and Meroitic past. Learning that Napata (today’s Karima) was already a holy place for the Ancient Egyptians, all Modern Sudanese would grasp an idea of the greatness of their land and of the splendor of the past that belongs to them – and not to the colonial gangsters who appear under the evil masks of Orientalists, archaeologists, epigraphists, Africanists, linguists, ethnographers, philologists and historians, only to
– minimize the African past,
– conceal its cataclysmic impact on the formation of civilization on European soil, and
– subordinate it to the racist fallacy of Hellenism, Greco-Roman civilization, and Euro-barbarianism.
With Ethiopia as national name, all Modern Sudanese would become proud of their civilization and of its radiation. In striking contrast with the colonially corrupt, idiotic and worthless Modern Egyptians, who have been stupidly selling their own antiquities for 222 years, Modern Sudanese would undertake the research of their past, the exploration of their antiquities, the decipherment of their ancient writing systems, and the reassessment of their diachronic role in World History at a national, sovereign level, finding the true, non-colonial partners for these purposes.
Second, because of the absence of the above, a true nation-building effort would take place and, as a consequence, today’s Sudanese would be all fully conscious of
a- their Cushitic – Ethiopian historical and cultural heritage
b- their Ancient History, as it is recorded in Ancient Egyptian hieroglyphics and in Meroitic hieroglyphic and cursive writing systems
c- their ethnic, national, cultural, historical and spiritual interconnection with the Oromos and the other subjugated Cushitic nations of Abyssinia
d- their Christian Nobatian, Makurian and Alodian History, as it is recorded in Coptic, Old Nubian and Makurian writing systems
e- their Islamic African History that is totally unrelated to Arab presence
f- their pro-eminent role across the trade routes of the Antiquity and the Islamic Ages, when the Historical Ethiopia (i.e. Sudan) linked
– Egypt with Sahara and the Western African world,
– the Mediterranean world with the Horn of Africa region, and
– almost all the African Muslims with the three cities of Islamic Pilgrimage, namely Mecca, Madina and Al Quds ash Sherif (Jerusalem).
V. Regional and international consequences of a true nation-building in Sudan, rightfully named ‘Ethiopia’
Third, because of the above, Sudan would
a- help dissolve the criminal colonial state of Abyssinia, by incorporating Oromia into Sudan-Ethiopia and by making Afaan Oromo the official language of the new, magnificent African super-state
b- help form numerous independent nations on parts of Sudan’s soil, namely among the Bejas in the East, in Darfur, in Kordofan, and in the South – when the Westerners were not there to fuel rebellion against Pan-Arabist Khartoum that they (: the Western colonials) fabricated in the first place
c- help establish numerous independent nations on parts of the criminal colonial state of Abyssinia, namely Afar, Ogaden, Sidama, Hadiya, Kaffa, Kambata, Shekacho, Wolayita, Agaw, Nuer, Anuak, Berta, etc. whereby every nation would have their own language as official
d- help dissolve the filthy colonial fabrication of Djibouti, a pseudo-state created by the criminal, murderous gangsters of France, and in the process help Afar nation pull together all parts of their nation and Isa tribe merge with the other Somalis
e- strike an alliance with the Eastern Cushitic nation of Somalia in order to impose a genuine, anti-colonial, African Order across Africa, which would bring forth the dissolution of fake colonial states whereby many different historical nations are oppressed by the filthy nation or tribe that had previously been the lackeys of their colonial masters, like the Kikuyu in Kenya
f- launch an African educational, academic system in total refutation of the Western Orientalism, Hellenism, ‘Greco-Roman Civilization’ and fake Africanism, and in total rejection of the racist, Eurocentric version of World History,
– by highlighting the superiority of Ancient African civilizations (Egyptian, Cushitic-Meroitic, Carthaginian-Berber) over Ancient Greece and Rome,
– by establishing the correct links between the Ancient African civilizations and the Ancient Oriental civilizations (Sumerian, Assyrian-Babylonian, Hurrian, Hittite-Anatolian, Canaanite-Phoenician, and Iranian),
– by meticulously examining and widely publicizing the multifaceted, overwhelming African cultural, religious, spiritual, artistic, literary and linguistic impact on Ancient and Medieval Europe
Black Egyptian high priests were initiating White Romans into the mysteries of the Ancient Egyptian divine concept of Isis (Aset in Egyptian Hieroglyphics); hundreds of temples of Isis (Iseum – Isea in Latin) have been excavated across Europe but this evidence of absolute African Egyptian impact on European civilization remains hidden to Europeans and others – in order not to function as a rejection of the still prevalent, racist pseudo-historical model of ‘Hellenism’ and Greco-Roman civilization’. Iseum Campense, Rome
g- promote a system of cultural, academic, educational and intellectual interconnection among all African nations, imposing
– the immediate obliteration of the colonial languages, English and French, across the continent,
– the prohibition of these two languages from the primary, secondary and tertiary education of all African states, and
– their replacement by a system of all-African multilingualism, involving the major African languages,
h- destroy all fake pseudo-states that the colonial powers, France, England and America, produced over the past 222 years on African soil, notably Fake Egypt, Fake Morocco, etc. and help generate genuinely African nations instead.
What I am saying with the aforementioned brief diagram is that a non-Arab, non-colonial, genuinely African Sudan, named Ethiopia, in the middle 1950s should act as if having fully understood, assessed and capitalized on the historical conclusions of scholars like Martin Bernal (author of the venerated “Black Athena: The Afroasiatic Roots of Classical Civilization”, in three volumes: 1987, 1991, 2006) and Edward Said (author of the highly respected “Orientalism”, 1978). This aphorism of mine may sound as preposterous because these great opuses were published more than 20 or 30 years after Sudan proclaimed its independence.
However, all the constituent elements, the textual and archaeological evidence, which led the aforementioned scholars to their groundbreaking publications, were there already in 1956. As a matter of fact, all that an African scholar needed to do was
– study the historical sources and the archaeological material record
– identify the discrepancies between historical sources and colonial bibliography
– list a vast number of topics commonly shared among colonial scholars but hidden from the Western and worldwide public (readership)
– analyze the reasons of the unrepresentative selection of historical sources for educational – intellectual – cultural purposes, as carried out by colonial scholars
– examine the above through the question ‘qui bono’ and accurately specify the colonial intentions, and
– conclude about a) the racist, criminal, and inhuman motives of the colonial pseudo-academia and b) the ensuing benefit for the colonial powers and their false historical version.
VI. Anti-colonial struggle means total rejection of the colonial fallacy still diffused worldwide as ‘Word History’
A non-colonial, non-Arab Sudan, officially named Ethiopia, would of course demolish fundamental colonial myths and highlight concealed facts that constitute basic elements of today’s Western version of World History. The topic is as vast as an entire encyclopedia, but I will herewith offer few examples pertaining to Africa and the surrounding seas.
a- there is no such country as “Egypt” and there is no such thing as “Egyptian Civilization”. The country’s real historical name is Kemet, which means the ‘Black Land’ or ‘the Land of Black People’, and this is due to the fact that the Ancient Egyptians were both, dark brown and black. So, there was Kemetic or Kemetian Civilization. Today, a liberated, non-colonial country at the northeastern corner of the Black Continent must be called Kemet – not Egypt – at the international level. Egyptian politicians and statesmen accepting to name their country ‘Egypt’ at the international level are born slaves and constitute a most disreputable clique alien to the great history of that land.
Kemet written in hieroglyphic characters
b- the name ‘Egypt’, used by Egyptians, constitutes a colonial relic of the filthiest and most racist contents. The word originates from the Ancient Greek word Aigyptos, which is the Hellenization of the Ancient Egyptian term ‘Hwt Ka Ptah’, i.e. ‘the enclosure of the soul of Ptah’; Ptah was a marginal deity in Ancient Egypt, and the Ancient Egyptians would never accept to name their country after that deity of the polytheistic priesthood of Memphis. This is the first point against the use of the term. The second point is related to the fact that European and North American colonials view the use of this term as resulting from their cultural, political, academic and intellectual supremacy over colonized (since 1798) Modern ‘Egypt’.
c- Modern Egypt cannot be called “Egypt” at the international level for one extra, totally different, reason; the use of this name, which is totally alien and unknown to today’s average Egyptians, consists in an unprecedented colonial denigration and vulgar deprecation of the modern nation, which uses the name Masr to denote their identity. Assyrian-Babylonian of origin (Musur and Mat Masri, lit. ‘land of Egypt’), this name was diffused among Aramaeans and Hebrews, before being adopted among Arabs.
And notice the difference, if you please: the authorities of Myanmar managed to impose at the international level respect for their country’s name, which is the aforementioned, officially accepted, name and not the filthy, colonial parody of Burma that the English colonials used since the early colonial days. But the idiotic, colonial, Pan-Arabist rulers of Kemet / Masr from Nasser to Mubarak to Morsi never raised such a subject in an effort to always remain disgustingly servile and docile enough to please their colonial masters – the Satanic gangsters of France, England and America.
d- there is no such expanse of sea as “the Indian Ocean”; this is a fake term introduced by the English, Dutch, Portuguese and French colonials as late as the 16th c. In the Antiquity, the most commonly used term was “Red Sea” (in Ancient Greek: ‘Erythra Thalassa’); during the Roman and Arsacid / Sassanid times, this term denoted the seas that we call today ‘Persian Gulf’, ‘Red Sea’ and ‘Indian Ocean’. When Agatharchides writes in the 2nd c. BCE his treatise on the Red Sea (Geographi Graeci Minores), in the part of his work in which he describes the natural phenomenon due to which the sea was called ‘red’, he narrates an event happening in today’s coast of Hadhramaut or Mahra in SE Yemen.
e- if one wants to name the entire Afro-Asiatic expanse of sea after the national name of the first seafarers and navigators who, after studying the meteorological conditions, the winds and the oceanographic data of that sea, sailed across the ocean from the Horn of Africa region to today’s coast of Malabar, then one has to call the sea “Yemenite Ocean”. First, the Qataban Yemenites, with capital at Timna, established safe navigation from the Gulf of Aden to the Malabar coast where they established commercial relations with the local Dravidian (not Indian, not Indo-European) kingdoms as early as the middle of the first millennium BCE.
Qataban Yemenite thalassocracy across the Yemenite Ocean lasted many centuries and was matched with an early colonization of the East African coast where the Qatabanis intermingled with the local Ancient Somalis of the coast of Azania (from the Horn of Africa down to today’s Daressalaam in Tanzania). Qatabani supremacy was terminated when the Himyarite Yemenites and the Sabaean Yemenites made an alliance to vanquish Qataban and accumulate in their palaces the mythical treasures that used to be garnered at Timna. This happened ca. 115 BCE.
Maps of Ancient Yemenite kingdoms and the monuments of Marib, capital of the Sabaean (Sheba) Kingdom. There is no link between the Biblical – Quranic Queen of Sheba, an exclusively Yemenite Queen, and the Makeda forgery of Kebra Negast. The Queen of Sheba was totally unrelated to Africa.
The Himyar – Sheba alliance was not as experienced as the Qatabanis seafarers; their heavy taxes were a problem for the last Ptolemies who were easy partners. After Octavian invaded Kemet (Egypt) and annexed the land of the Nile to the Roman Empire (30 BCE), the Romans proved to be difficult partners and in the year 25 BCE, Aelius Gallus, prefect of Egypt, undertook a maritime expedition against Yemen, which also involved several land expeditions. At the end, after many collateral damages, the Romans managed to destroy the main Yemenite port of call at Aden and thus force the Yemenites to cooperate with Rome and reduce the customs.
Yemenite thalassocracy across the Yemenite Ocean continued, evidently coordinated with the Roman imperial establishments at Egypt and Leuke Kome (NW coast of today’s Saudi Arabia), and it is well documented in historical texts like the Periplus of the Red (Erythraean) Sea, which was written by an Alexandrian Egyptian captain and merchant who traveled across the coastal regions from Suez to China at the times of the Roman Emperor Nero (so in the middle of the 1st c. CE). The same text describes the continuation of the Himyar-Sabaean colonization of Azania and prevalence across the seas. There have truly been found Roman coins in different archaeological sites across the Malabar coast where the kingdoms of Damirica, Nelkyndis, Cerobothra (Chera) and Pandya were located according to the Periplus of the Red (Erythraean) Sea.
But Yemenite traders and sailors used these coins while sailing across the Yemenite Ocean; and these kingdoms were all Dravidian – not Indian. And the Dravidians never demonstrated navigational skills, which is one more reason for which we cannot call this sea ‘Indian Ocean’, pretty much like we cannot call ‘India’ the cemetery of South Asiatic nations that the English colonials prepared for more than 100 years during their calamitous colonial presence there. ‘India’ is only the land around the Indus River, and this concerns only a minor part of the state which is nowadays fallaciously called with this name.
At the beginning of my response, I mentioned the Amhara and Tigray Abyssinian world view, eschatology, and historical tradition. This relates to their famous historical book Kebra Negast, which was written in Ge’ez, their religious language down to our days. First written in Coptic, then translated to Arabic (early 13th c.), and last rendered in Ge’ez at the beginning of the 14th c., Kebra Negast is a historical forgery prepared by Amhara debteras (monks) only to justify their false pretensions to ancestry and to royalty and to prepare the ground for expansionism of apocalyptic and eschatological contents.
The disappearance of Islam, the common borders between Abyssinia and a Zionist state in the area of Palestine, the fallacious and unhistorical theory of Axum being the ‘New Zion’, and the fabrication of Menelik, nonexistent son of Solomon (Suleyman) and ‘Makeda’, the fake queen of Sheba (that kingdom was located only in Yemen, not in Africa), do not bode well with the future of Africa but are all some of the targets of the real authors of this forgery. All later Amhara and Tigray ‘prophecies’ about their expansion are repetitions of earlier material included in Kebra Negast. Somali, Sudanese and Egyptian (not to mention more) scholars are idiotic enough not to learn Ge’ez, not to study Kebra Negast and not to highlight the fallacious nature of the book that prepares the Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians as followers or conscious slaves of the Antichrist (Masih al-Dajjal). But this is a totally different subject, as I already said.
The historical silk roads did not start with the beginning of History. However, when we refer to the very existence of the silk roads and to the developments that were unfolded because of them, we often forget that this remarkable affair that shaped the World History is merely a continuation and a prolongation of the earlier existed commercial roads that linked Central Asia, Siberia and India to Mesopotamia.
On the other hand, due to other early commercial roads, Mesopotamia was also connected with the Caucasus region, Anatolia and the Balkans, and the Horn of Africa. Last, since the Dawn of the Civilization, the Valley of the Twin Rivers was densely linked with the Valley of the Nile, via the Syro-Phoenician – Palestinian corridor.
I. The Historical Silk Roads
Although widely used to describe a “network of trade routes which connected the East and West”, the term is very inaccurate indeed; this is so because the silk trade in itself was a minor part of the trade exchanged between ‘East’ and ‘West’. The historically correct and exact term is “Silk-, Spice-, and Perfume-Routes via Land, Desert and Sea” or alternatively “Land-, Desert- and Sea-Routes of Silk-, Spice-, and Perfume-Trade”. Perfume stands for all types of incense. At this point, one has to point out that the multivalent geographical terms ‘East’ and ‘West’ mean diverse lands and localities to different audiences at all times.
The earliest form of the aforementioned network of trade routes consisted of two commercial roads that linked 4th millennium BCE Mesopotamia, i.e. Sumer and Elam, with Central Asia and the Indus Valley; in the second case, we also have plenty of indications of sea trade. This means that we can already speak of land-, desert- and sea-routes as early as the beginning of the Bronze Age. Findings at Tepe Yahya, Iran fully document the Mesopotamian – Indian trade that dates back in the middle of the 4th millennium BCE. Similarly, impressive findings, such as Proto-Elamite tablets, excavated at Tepe Sialk, Iran bear witness to the developed form of trade that Mesopotamia had with Central Asia at the end of the 4th millennium BCE. The same is also valid for Tureng Tepe, near Gorgan, and further on for Yarim Tepe, near Gonbad-e Kavus, in NE Iran. This brings the kingdoms and the empires of Mesopotamia in direct contact with Siberian cultures, such as Andronovo and Karasuk, that ranged from the Caspian Sea to Aral to Yenissei and maintained evident contacts with Dzungaria and China in the 2nd and the 1st half of the 1st millennium BCE. Across these early trade roads, the movements of Scytho–Siberian nations generated a turmoil that the Achaemenid shahs of Iran spent time to contain.
The real establishment of the network of trade routes that we now call ‘silk road’ is entirely attributed to Achaemenid Iran. Having understood the enormous benefits that would derive from the systematization of the earlier existed networks of trade routes, the early Achaemenids dedicated a great effort to set up safe imperial roads across their immense empire. The ‘Royal Road’ was the original part (Susa to Sardis; 2700 km), but soon after the entire empire was endowed with a great network of sea, desert and land routes.
As a matter of fact, the establishment of the Silk Road was the mere consolidation, improvement, interconnection and imperial administration of the earlier existed trade routes. Egypt had established a maritime connection with Somalia and Eastern Africa as early as the beginning of the 2nd millennium BCE or even earlier; with Egypt as Achaemenid Iranian province, Iran benefited enormously from this trade. Furthermore, the circumnavigation of the Arabian Peninsula would permit the imperial administration to bypass Babylonia, when ensuring transportation of products, services and armies between mainland Iran and Egypt.
For this purpose, Darius I reopened the Old Suez Canal (from the area of today’s Zagazig and the Bubastite branch of the Delta to the Timsah Lake, which was connected at the time with the Red Sea by means of a natural canal) that had fallen in desuetude for centuries; this is solemnly stated in the Achaemenid Shah’s quadrilingual inscription (in Old Achaemenid, Babylonian, Elamite and Egyptian Hietoglyphic), e.g. the so-called Shaluf stele.
Darius stele with the quadrilingual inscription about the reopening of the Old Suez Canal
It is on this background that silk products started moving across the aforementioned network of trade routes and also across extra roads appended to this network; thanks to the Pazyryk culture, silk was found as west as the kurgans of Ukraine or Heuneburg and Rheingoenheim in Germany and as early as the middle of the 1st millennium BCE. Exchanges, silk tributes and silk trade were only intensified after the 3rd c. BCE, and more specifically after the Battle of Baideng (白登之戰), when Gaozu of Han (漢高祖) was defeated and had to pay a heavy tribute to Motun (冒頓單于), the founder of the Hun (Xiongnu) Empire.
The enormous trade development, which ensued, was certainly due to numerous parameters other than the establishment of the Achaemenid trade network, the construction of royal roads across Iran, and the annual tributes of the Han emperors to the Xiongnu. The role of the Aramaeans, the Sogdians and the Khotanese in terms of product diversification, road bifurcation, linguistic impact, spiritual influence, and cultural exchange was outstanding; this shows that, despite the importance of states, the catalytic activity of private entrepreneurs was unmatched. The states extracted benefits and levied customs duties, but the pioneering practice and spirit were private. This is how Buddhism, Manichaeism, and Nestorian Christianity made their way to China.
One of the most famous Aramaean capitals, Tadmor – Palmyra
Sogdians depicted on wall paintings from Afrasiab, Samarqand
The King of Khotan as depicted in the Mogao Caves, Dunhuang
II. China
The State of the Middle (中國/中国) was late to expand to the West, in Central Asia and further on. Only at the times of Han dynasty (206 BCE – 220 CE), Zhang Qian (張騫) was tasked (138 BCE) to effectuate a trip to establish contacts with the Yuezhi and other Central Asiatic states; however, he and his guards had to spend ten years in Xiongnu prisons, before returning (125 BCE) to Chang’an (Xi’an) and writing his reports about countries he visited (Dayuan kingdom in Ferghana, Yuezhi kingdom in Transoxiana, Tokharian kingdom of Daxia in Bactria, and Kangjiu kingdom in Sogdiana) and he did not visit (Anxi kingdom of Arsacid Parthian Iran, Tiaozhi kingdom of Seleucid Syria, Shendu kingdom of Indo-Scythians in Southern Pakistan, and Wusun kingdom in the Tarim Basin).
It is only at the end of the 2nd c. BCE (104-102) that Li Guangli (李廣利) and Chinese army undertook an expedition to Ferghana (Dayuan) and successfully besieged Osh (in today’s Kyrgyzstan). Finally, the Tarim Basin became Chinese imperial territory (Protectorate of the Western Regions: 西域都護府) only during the 1st c. BCE. However, the Hexi Corridor to Dunhuang and the Western Regions remained unstable for many long centuries.
A Chinese embassy may have reached Rome at the times of Octavian, if we take into account the text of Florus, an African Roman historiographer of the 1st – 2nd c. CE. And around the end of the 1st c. CE, General Ban Chao (班超), the imperial administrator of the ‘Western Regions’ (basically the Tarim Basin), advanced further in the West up to an undefined location in Central Asia; several Western Orientalists advanced the theory of Ban Chao reaching the eastern shores of the Caspian Sea, but there is no certainty in this. On the contrary, what is sure is that Ban Chao’s envoy, Gan Ying (甘英) reached the ‘Western Sea’ (which can be variably identified with the Persian Gulf, the Caspian Sea or the Mediterranean Sea); it is a matter of scholarly interpretation of few excerpts in the Hou Hanshu Annals.
Last, in the middle of the 3rd c. CE, Yu Huan writes in his illustrious Weilüe (魏略) about the Black River (Hei Shui: 黑水) that demarcates the Western territories of the Roman Empire (: Atlantic Ocean), pretty much like his contemporary Roman counterpart, the famous historian Ammianus Marcellinus, who wrote in the middle of the 4th c. CE about the Eurasiatic landmass’ easternmost confines only to use almost similar terms:
Ultra haec utriusque Scythiae loca, contra orientalem plagam in orbis speciem consertae, celsorum aggerum summitates ambiunt Seras, ubertate regionum et amplitudine circumspectos, ab occidentali latere Scythis annexos, a septentrione et orientali nivosae solitudini cohaerentes.
One page from Yu Huan’s Weilüe
As a matter of fact, moving across the Land-, Desert- and Sea-Routes of Silk-, Spice-, and Perfume-Trade, major religions, faiths and cults were diffused from Mesopotamia, Iran and India to China:
1. Buddhism reached China at the times of Han dynasty (first mention: 65 CE at the times of Emperor Ming, 明),
2. Manichaeism (明教: the bright religion, Míngjiào) appeared in China at the times of Tang dynasty in a completely sinicized form as the Dunhuang manuscripts sufficiently evidence, and
Manichaean texts in Chinese from the Dunhuang manuscripts
3. Nestorian Christianity was introduced in China also at the times of Tang dynasty (618-690 and 705-907). The first mention is found in the bilingual (Syriac – Aramaic and Chinese) Nestorian Stele (or Xi’an Stele), which dates in 781 and commemorates the Persian monk Alopen’s mission to China that occurred in 635 during the reign of Emperor Taizong, 太宗).
The Syriac-Aramaic inscription on the Nestorian stele – Aramaic was the most important and the most widely spread international language before Modern Times.
Nestorian Christianity: the most widely spread religion before Modern Times was taken by the Aramaean merchants to Yemen, India, Central Asia, Mongolia and China.
The indivisible Eurasiatic landmass eliminates all geopolitical pseudo-theories that tend to generate colonial divisions in parts of Eurasia: Anatolia, Mesopotamia, Iran, Turan, South Asia, China have historically formed a socio-cultural unit that can be divided only by ignorant forgers and criminal colonial liars.
III. Islam
Little time after the arrival of Manichaeism and Nestorian Christianity in China, Islam reached the borders of Emperor Gaozong (高宗)’s state at the very middle of the 7th c., thanks to the zeal of Sa`d ibn Abi Waqqas. As per various Hui Muslims’ legends, Gaozong (reign: 649-683) expressed certain sympathy for Islam, viewing in it a form of Confucian Morality.
Moving across the Land-, Desert- and Sea-Routes of Silk-, Spice-, and Perfume-Trade, early Muslim traders and navigators were present in China either in the Western provinces (Tarim Basin) or in the Eastern coast, and more particularly in Canton (Guangzhou), as early as the 7th and 8th centuries.
When it comes to religions diffused in China along the Silk Road, there is a tremendous difference between Buddhism, Manichaeism, and Nestorian Christianity from one side and Islam from the other side. The former three religions were never state religions of a powerful empire, whereas Islam was already the state religion of the Umayyad Caliphate, which – only 30 years after the death of Prophet Muhammad – stretched from Libya to Central Asia to the Indus Valley. The early Islamic expansion to the east (651) reached Rey, Nishapur and Khurasan in today’s NE Iran. The next stage of the expansion in Central Asia involved fierce clashes with the Kingdom of Sogdia and the Buddhist Turkic states in Central Asia and Siberia during the late 7th and the early 8th c. Following the Islamic conquest of Bukhara and Samarqand (706-712), the Chinese emperors took the case more seriously.
Chinese armies fought to stop the Islamic advance in very bloody battles across the famous Ferghana Valley in 715 only to be engaged in another battle two years later at Aksu, further to the east, in the Tarim basin. This was an early Chinese victory. The entire region between Kashgar and Samarqand became then a critical, frontal zone. However, for some time, the gradual decadence of the Umayyad dynasty prevented Muslim armies from further focusing on Central Asia. With the rise of the Abbasid dynasty, one of the major historical battles took place in the Talas River Valley (751). It was a major victory for the Abbasid forces and it marked the end of Chinese presence in Central Asia. Prevalence in that region ensured enormous benefits for Abbasid Baghdad.
However, the Abbasid – Chinese relationship took another course with the An Lushan Rebellion (755-763; An–Shi Disturbances: 安史之亂), when general An Lushan challenged the imperial throne; to successfully squelch the event, the embattled Emperor Suzong (肅宗) wrote a letter to the Abbasid Caliph Al Mansur, asking his help. The Caliph dispatched a force of 4000 Muslim soldiers, who helped reinstall the order in Chang’an. This event means that at the time one could encounter Abbasid soldiers in full control of territories that were located at a direct distance of almost 9500 km from one another (from the Maghreb coast of Northwestern Africa to Xi’an)!
An Lushan Rebellion
The infamous rebellion ended after much time passed and much blood was shed only to weaken the Tang monarchs. However, Tang dynasty marked an era of religious tolerance, cultural exchanges, Eurasiatic cosmopolitanism and numerous intermarriages. Sogdian merchants, Muslim soldiers and other foreigners significantly contributed to the Chinese civilization and became dignitaries of the imperial administration by learning Chinese, hiding their ethnic identity, and changing their names. The vicinity of Turan (the term denotes Eastern Europe, Central Asia, Siberia, Northern Asia, Mongolia and today’s NW China) with the world of Islam was the reason for a) the conversion of many Turanians to Islam, b) the rise of many Turanian Muslim rulers in various lands of the Caliphate as far as Africa, and c) the flourishing trade routes across Central and Northern Asia.
The formation and the magnificent expansion of the Turanian Islamic empires, which are falsely called ‘Mongol’ (the term denotes a military rank, not a historical nation) are not as spectacular and as fortuitous as depicted in the Western Orientalist bibliography. The Great State (Ulug Ulus) or ‘Golden Horde’ (Altın Urda) that controlled (1242–1502) all lands from Poland to the easternmost confines of Northern Asia is not the side effect of the division of the Turanian (: ‘Mongol’) Empire. It is the continuation of a millennium long Turanian prevalence across the said territories and the successor to numerous earlier empires involving the Xianbei Empire (93-234 CE), the Rouran Khaganate (330-555 CE), the Hunnic Empire (370–469), the Göktürk Khaganate (552-659 CE), the Eastern Turkic Khaganate (581-650 CE), the Western Turkic Khaganate (581–657), the Second Turkic Khaganate (682–744), the Uyghur Khaganate (744–840), the Yenisei Kyrgyz Khaganate (840-1207), the Liao Empire (916–1125) and the Khamag Empire (10th c. – 1206). During those ages, ‘silk road trader’, ‘Turanian’ and ‘Muslim’ became almost synonyms.
Muslims played a great role in China’s History at the times of Song dynasty (960-1279; 宋朝), whereas at the times of the Mongol dynasty (1271-1368; the Great Yuan -大元), following extensive intermarriages, they became a very important component of China’s economic, social and intellectual life. As the fratricidal wars among Turanian nations intensified, Muslims and Chinese fought against the Mongols and some of China’s most illustrious generals were Muslims indeed, like Lan Yu (藍玉). When the Mongols were finally kicked out of China, Hongwu (洪武), the founding emperor of the Ming dynasty (1368-1644; 大明), felt obliged to compose (1368) the celebrated Hundred-word Eulogy (bǎizìzàn: 百字讃) and thus express his great veneration of Prophet Muhammad, ‘the most noble sage’, as he described him. Hongwu found it also important to send a letter to John V Palaiologos and keep him informed about the rise of the Ming dynasty.
Hundred-word Eulogy (bǎizìzàn: 百字讃): the greatest words ever uttered by a non-Muslim in favor of Prophet Muhammad were said by Hongwu (洪武), the founding emperor of the Ming dynasty, thus forging indissoluble ties between the Chinese and the Muslims for all times.
Quite contrarily, Chinese Muslims, as Ming loyalists, suffered enormous losses at the times of Qing dynasty, which originated from the Manchu, a minority; this period marks however the progressive decline of all major Asiatic empires: the Ottomans, the Iranians, the Mughal Gorkanian (of India), and the Chinese.
IV. The decline of the Islamic Empires and of China over the past four centuries
The advent of Qing dynasty (1636-1912) ushered China in a new era that proved to be the worst page of China’s 4000-year long History. Qing rulers’ major counterparts in Asia and Africa were found in the same situation either their dynasty’s origins go back to 1300 or their rule was established around 1500. Hong Taiji (皇太極), the founding emperor (1636-1643), was contemporaneous with
– Shah-Jahan-i-Azam (شاہ جہان اعظم: 1627-1658) of the Gurkanian Mongol (‘Mughal’) dynasty (who had the famous Taj Mahal mausoleum built),
– Shah Safi (شاه صفی: 1629-1642) of the Turkmen Safavid dynasty of Iran, and
– Sultan Murad IV ( مراد رابع: 1623-1640) of the Ottoman Empire.
Hong Taiji
Shah-Jahan-i-Azam
Shah Safi
Sultan Murad IV
A good indication of the minimal degree of threat discernment, friend-foe identification system, universal perspective, diplomatic diligence, and imperial preparation that characterized all four major Afro-Asiatic empires is the fact that Hong Taiji’s reign coincided with the end of the 16-year long Ottoman–Safavid War (1623–1639) which dramatically weakened both empires. The Ottomans won and prevailed in Mesopotamia, but short term gains proved to be useless, as they could not ensure enduring strength.
Hong Taiji’s reign was also marked by two major events in the North of Asia: the rise of the Romanov dynasty under Michael I Romanov (Михаил Фёдорович Романов: 1613-1645) of Russia and the Russian expansion across Northern Siberia, after the collapse of the Sibir Khanate in 1598. The Russians reached the Pacific Ocean in 1639, decimating indigenous nations (Buryats; Yakuts; in the case of Chukchis, Koraks, Itelmens and Yukagirs, we attested a planned genocide) and spreading diseases (smallpox). Of course, the Kazakh Khanate was still strong under Salqam-Jangir Khan (1629–1680), but again the incessant wars among the Central Asiatic khanates (Bukhara, Tashkent, etc) created a worrisome situation not far from China’s western borders.
Another even graver problem for China and for the Central Asiatic khanates was the rise of the Buddhist Dzungar Khanate (1634) and the dreams of their ruler Erdeni Batur, who attempted to revive the gigantic state of Genghis Khan. The ceaseless wars between the Kazakhs and Dzungaria (1643–1756), as well as between Qing China and the Dzungars (1687–1757), ended with the Dzungar defeat and genocide but paved the way for Russian predominance across Northern Asia. No Asiatic empire benefited from these developments.
Similar situations were attested in Southern Asia whereby the three Muslim emperors did not have the foresight to avoid divisions and fratricidal wars and to set up a common front against the seafaring empires, namely the Portuguese, the Dutch, the French and the English. It is true that the emergence of the Turkmen Safavids in Iran (with Shah Ismail I in 1502), the advent of the Mongol Gurkanian (with Babur in 1526) and the Ottoman rise in the East and expansion in Africa (from Egypt to Somalia to Algeria) under Yavuz Sultan Selim I (1512-1520) and his successors occurred only on an extremely divided and diversified, almost millennium-long, background of Islamic faith and power.
Only in its very early period, the Islamic Caliphate proved to be a centripetal force. However, when the Caliphs expanded beyond the borders of the Sassanid Empire (224-651) under Khusraw II (590/591-628), centrifugal forces prevailed only to prove that Central Asia and Carthage can never belong to the same empire – as already Darius I, the Achaemenidian (522-486), dreamt of but failed to implement.
Furthermore, the prevalence of centrifugal forces within the immense Abbasid Empire was only a normal, historical phenomenon, because Islam was diffused among nations very far away from one another, with very different spiritual, cultural and historical backgrounds with which the proponents of the new faith were forced to interact in many dimensions. As early as the 10th century the contrast was enormous among Muslims in Andalusia, Egypt, Somalia, Yemen, Iran, India and Central Asia. To this testifies the enormous number of mystic brotherhoods, religious tariqas, philosophical doctrines, academic – scientific schools, literary styles, artistic and architectural rhythms, theological dogmas and systems of jurisprudence, which grew like mushrooms from Andalusia to Yemen to Central Asia, during the first 300 years of Islamic rule. Consequently, further divisions were to ensue.
At the beginning of the 16th c., most of the Dravidian Deccan (Modern India’s southern part) was divided among the Golconda Sultanate (Qutb Shahi dynasty / Shia), the Bijapur Sultanate (Adil Shahi dynasty / Shia), the Ahmednagar Sultanate (Nizam Shahi dynasty / Shia) and the Brahmani Sultanate (Barid Shahi dynasty / Sunni and Shia). This was not a particularity of the subcontinent only.
The same multidivisional structure of the Deccan was attested across the Ocean in the Eastern African coast; the Sultanate of Ifat, the Adal Sultanate, the Warsangali Sultanate, the Sultanate of Mogadishu, the formidable Ajuran Sultanate, the Geledi Sultanate, the Kilwa Sultanate (whose seafarers were the first known to have reached Australia long before the English) and other smaller Eastern African principalities (Mombasa, Pemba, Zanzibar, Mafia, Comoro, Mozambique Island, etc.) existed and prospered for centuries, having always fully recognized the Caliph’s authority without however becoming incorporated in the Caliphate stricto sensu. Some of the Somali sultanates were strong enough to oppose the Portuguese, and the history of Ajuran – Portuguese wars (16th – 17th c.) marks the first and perhaps the most epic page of the illustrious African anti-colonial fights.
In many among the aforementioned cases, a Yemenite, an Iranian or a Turanian arrived in either the Deccan or Eastern Africa and they were easily accepted as rulers among the local Muslims. It was only after many decades and numerous wars that the Mongol Gurkanian authority managed to incorporate the Deccan sultanates in the Empire. And after Aurangzeb (اورنگزیب: 1658-1707) the decline started.
Many consider the Iranian invasion of the Mongol South Asiatic Empire, which was undertaken by the Turkmen Afshar Nader Shah (نادر شاه افشار: 1736-1747) in 1739, as the main reason for the subsequent collapse of the vast state of the Gurkanian whose formidable empire is fallaciously called ‘Mughal India’ by English Orientalists and historical forgers. The Iranian invasion, as well as the sack and the plunder of the Old Delhi, were a terrible hit, but they were not the main reason for the demise of the Gurkanian.
As a matter of fact, the concessions made to the British East India Company and the farman issued by Farrukhsiyar (فرخسیر: 1713-1719), who allowed to English colonials the right to reside and trade in the Mughal Empire, were an inane and ominous decision. It was that cruel and criminal company that prepared the final collapse of the greatest South Asiatic Empire of all times and deposed Bahadur Shah II, the last Mongol Emperor, in 1862, i.e. 145 years after his idiotic and pathetic predecessor offered them the aforementioned privileges. As the Gurkanian Mongol power was dissolved, it was easy for the criminal colonials of England to start the Opium Wars (1839-1860) against China.
However, all major Afro-Asiatic empires, the Ottomans, the Safavids, the Gurkanian and the Qing failed to assess – already in the 17th c. as they should have had – the real nature, the scope, the targets, the profits and the consequences of the phenomenal company, which was incorporated in 1602 and started being active from India to Japan as early as 1608-1609: the Dutch East India Company. Seeking concessions and imperial protection, safe passages, and legal presence, the Dutch generated enormous profits, which if known and analyzed would surely be perceived as a threat for the Mughal durbar.
The Dutch were present in Gujarat (Suratte, 1616), Malabar (1661), Coromandel (1608), Bengal (1627) and also in Sri Lanka (1640), but their enormous benefits and the ensued antagonism with other powers (Denmark, France and England) were not perceived as real threats by the Mongol Gurkanian. Quite contrarily, they willingly entered into compromises with the company, only because they were not strong on the sea. Even worse, they failed to monitor, examine and assess the groundbreaking company’s potentialities, the real intentions behind it, the wealth accumulated due to multiple factors (the spice trade monopoly being only one), and the deriving threats for the Mughal Empire. Each and every time, the Mughal palatial administration dealt with the symptoms and not with the root causes, which they had not even imagined, let alone identified. The same attitude characterized the Qing, the Safavids and the Ottomans in their relations with either this company or other Western European corporations and schemes.
As a matter of fact, the Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC) consisted in a hitherto unknown form of expansion in which individual zeal, personal risk, human fascination with extraordinary material wealth, private entrepreneurship, and corporate systematization preceded all forms of military aggression and state conflict; this concept spearheaded a new type of expansionism that had cataclysmic impact and deteriorated all aspects of military conflict and cruelty. In fact, it was a state within a state or, if you want, a CorporNation. Even worse, it weaponized knowledge, thus totally altering and distorting the foundations of scholarly research, academic study, and human exploration that were historically accepted by all cultures and civilizations worldwide until that time. Quite unfortunately, this was not noticed by any Afro-Asiatic imperial establishment – even at a moment they were still omnipotent.
The Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb (1658–1707) is an excellent example in this regard; he was contemporaneous with
– the Ottoman sultans and Caliphs Mehmed IV (1648-1687), Suleyman II (1687-1691), Ahmed II (1691-1695), Mustafa II (1695-1703), and Ahmed III (1703-1730),
– the Safavid shahs of Iran Abbas II (1642-1666), Suleyman I (1666-1694), and the last Safavid, Sultan Husayn (1694-1722), and
– the Qing Emperors Shunzhi (1644-1661) and Kangxi (1662-1722).
None of these imperial establishments, which were still quite powerful, was able to either be informed about the publication in Holland of the monumental series of volumes of Hortus Malabaricus (1678–1693) or grasp its real meaning and grave consequences. Never before had specialized knowledge acquired such pre-eminence among a state’s priorities in view of future profit. Detailed and exact science was not anymore a scholarly endeavor but a corporate, entrepreneurial task. And who was the author of the grand opus? None other than Hendrik van Rheede (1636–1691), the Governor of Dutch Malabar at the time!
I can understand that the Ottomans, the Safavids and the Qing were not directly involved; but the highly educated Aurangzeb whose name means “the Ornament of the Throne” and whose royal title was Alamgir (“Conqueror of the World” in Farsi) should have got due information about this great work and should have assessed it as a real weapon against his own throne. Hortus Malabaricus is an enormous treatise about the flora of Malabar, a territory that corresponds to present day India’s Kerala and Karnataka. With this treatise, an average Dutch in Amsterdam would know the flora of Kerala better than the emperor in whose state Kerala belonged. Thus, Natural Sciences became a tool for further corporate profit.
Weaponized knowledge and far-fetched explorations, pioneering fieldwork, archaeological excavations, antiques collections, a great number of monument purchasing diplomats, and entire armies of ‘arrogant connoisseurs’ would soon be unleashed against the four Afro-Asiatic empires. A real scramble for manuscripts, inscriptions, bas-reliefs, coins and bronzes would then take place. This would bring forth a hitherto unseen form of conquest and occupation.
That’s why modern historians, who focus on 18th c. and 19th c. Ottoman –Iranian wars (1730-1736 between the Ottomans Ahmed III and Mahmud I and the last Safavid shah Tahmasp II, Abbas III, and Nader Shah of Iran; 1743-1746 between Mahmud I and Nader Shah; 1775-1776 between Abdulhamid I and Karim Khan Zend; 1821-1823 between Mahmud II and Fath Ali Shah of the Turkmen Qajar dynasty) to find the reasons of the Western European powers’ meteoric rise at the world stage during the 19th and the 20th centuries, really miss the point.
As a matter of fact, the real battles were engaged not in the war fronts but in caves, archaeological sites, libraries, museums, European universities’ Oriental departments, and the personal cabinets of professors and decipherers who decoded ancient signs that were tragically meaningless and disastrously useless to the Sultans, the Shahs, the Gurkanian and the Qing. The decipherment of ancient scripts was completed with the formulation of a fallacious World History, which was meticulously preconceived as per the arrogant connoisseurs’ interests, worldview and discriminatory attitude toward the rest. Then, colonial diplomats, military regiments, various agents, indigenous traitors, corrupt businessmen, and local puppets undertook the enduring work of imposing this fallacious World History on local populations by means of Education, Culture, Publications, and Mass Media.
Indiscriminately, from Morocco to China, all alternatives were used to alter natives.
Turkey, the US & 21st c. Geopolitics: the Advice I gave to the Turkish Establishment back in the mid-90s
By Prof. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis
The changes occurred in the period 1989 – 1991 have not until now been accurately evaluated; neither have their consequences been assessed. In the folly of those days, few perspicacious persons were able to see that, with the collapse of the so-called ‘Eastern bloc’, the decomposition and demise of the so-called ‘Western bloc’ was automatically heralded. The destruction of the then international order’s second pillar would then only be a matter of time, i.e. few decades.
I. 1989-1991 and the Collapse of Post-WW II False Order
The American elite, political or academic, must have realized the ensued dangers and that’s why they tried to amuse and confuse the world with much publicized, yet inane, pseudo-doctrines, like the Clash of Civilizations and the End of History. These unreal, yet barbarian and evil, concepts were elaborated only as preventive tactics for the US to avoid the unavoidable.
In fact, the astute observation that the fall of the ‘Eastern bloc’ would sooner or later bring forth the eradication of the ‘Western bloc’ had little to do with the common, yet nonsensical, assumption that the events of the period 1989 – 1991 would have a political – ideological or a financial – economic or even a social – intellectual impact. These types of impact are indeed minor, if the events are evaluated from a historian’s viewpoint.
In reality, the formation of the post-WW II international order was an abnormal, artificial construction, pretty much like the establishment of the post-WW I world order. The difference is that in the period between the two world wars there appeared to still exist, act and evolve – within the context of human life – several human and spiritual forces and factors that were totally concealed out of the artificial post-WW II world. Then, the collapse of one major constituent of that fake world would automatically unleash at least part of the concealed forces and factors whose dynamics in turn would easily bring down the rest of the artificial fabrication.
So, all post 1989-1991 developments have in reality little to do with the proper impact that the event itself has had (which was minor) and are mainly due to the forceful comeback of earlier concealed forces.
It was therefore predestined – from the very elements of the dynamics created by the results of the two world wars – that the winners of those early and minor conflicts would inevitably be the losers of the end times’ war.
And as early as 1992 and 1993, it became clear to few that North America and Western Europe had lost the chance – if they ever had any – to advance fast and effectively in the prevention of the forthcoming collapse of the ‘Western bloc’.
The above was very clear in my mind, when I moved to Turkey in September 1994 to work for universities, foundations and institutes, to participate in several academic and political projects, to advise the military and political establishment on several issues, to speak in public and in secluded circles, and to contribute to the universal(ist) ideals and principles defended and promoted by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk.
II. Kemal Ataturk and today’s Turkish Establishment
Back in the 90s, there were many Turks, who would automatically ascribe themselves to Kemal Atatürk’s ideals and the principles. And I believe that by now their number has decreased only by little.
There were indeed in 1990s’ Turkey several leading academics, diplomats, politicians and statesmen, generals and intellectuals, as well as military intelligence officers, who were very well informed about the nature of the aforementioned world developments, which then were still quite recent. I therefore encountered and worked with brilliant people, like Prof. Erol Manisalı (whom I first met in the late 80s) and film director Halit Refiğ; with both of them I had frequent meetings, lengthy discussions, and fruitful polarizations. They had already understood what the global developments really meant and what the forthcoming circumstances would be like. The ensuing dangers for Turkey were very clear to them.
The same concerns a pleiad of other distinguished personalities whom I encountered on several occasions, namely Ambassador Umut Arık, Prof. Reşat Genç of the venerated Atatürk Kültür, Dil ve Tarih Yüksek Kurumu, Prof. Gönül Tankut, Prof. Hüseyin Hatemi, Prof. Kutlu Emre, Ambassador İsmail Soysal, Prof. Metin Sözen, Şemsettin Bağırkan the true savant of Ottoman Classical Music, Prof. Yusuf Halaçoğlu of the celebrated Türk Tarih Kurumu, Prof. Yılmaz Altuğ, my one-time colleague Prof. Emel Doğramacı, and many others involving former prime ministers Tansu Ciller and Necmettin Erbakan.
As a matter of fact, the clumsy American efforts to avoid the unavoidable and the then newly emitted pseudo-doctrines would only help bring the dismemberment of the ‘Western bloc’ faster; by so doing, the US was de facto self-positioned as enemy of Turkey, because the aforementioned pseudo-doctrines – by their genuine distortion of the historical truth and due to their disregard of the international order – targeted the country directly.
The inanity of people like Huntington and Fukuyama is tragicomical indeed! By trying to ‘remake the world order’ (this is part of Huntington’s title: The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order), they contributed to the demolition of the ‘Western bloc’. Their suicidal effort resembled very much indeed the suicide bombers trained by the CIA and the Mosad in Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan, Syria and elsewhere. To remake the world order, they solemnly and explicitly decomposed the elements of the remaining ‘Western bloc’. To prevent the forthcoming destruction, they precipitated it.
Since 1994, it was clear to the aforementioned leading figures and to others in Turkey that Turkey was threatened with exclusion from the ‘Western bloc’ and with dismemberment pretty much like several other countries for which the same ominous fate was prescribed.
However, for every action there is a reaction, and for every scheme there is a way to outmaneuver it. In the mid 90s, I spoke extensively and I expanded in written form (not always public) about what it would take for Turkey to oppose the plans providing for its destruction. When I left Turkey in 1997, I knew that, by staying inactive, Ankara was playing indeed into the US game. In fact, what occurs now between Turkey and the US could have already happened before 20 years.
It was just a matter of time, appeasement policies, and procrastination as regards the need for a proper geopolitical concept as regards 21st c. Turkey. This attitude would drive to nowhere and Turkey has been a great loser over the past two decades, which is what then inimical, mainstream mass media hide (as this situation suits the interests that they serve), by making either misplaced eulogies or conflated descriptions (of the type ‘Erdogan is unpredictable and dangerous’ & ‘Erdogan is a new sultan’!).
Why did the Turkish establishment fail to drastically react against US plans over the past 20 years?
III. Factors that prevented the Turkish Establishment from timely Disentangling from the ‘Western bloc’
A. Failure to accurately and integrally assess Kemal Atatürk’s Vision of State
The Founder of Turkey, as a genuine pragmatist, did not found an ideology-based state. There is no such thing as ideology, political ideology or political philosophy; those endeavors are all forms of anti-historical forgery composed and diffused in order to unnecessarily and viciously trigger calamitous developments. They are worthless propaganda, and every propaganda is worthless, pathetic and evil. World History does not encompass ideologies, political ideologies or political philosophies because all those systems are mere propaganda tools deprived of historicity, morality and veracity, having therefore no ingenuous contents; they all constitute forms of forgery and fallacy that serve the enslavement of the nations and the destruction of Human Life.
Actually, there are no ideologists, political ideologists or political scientists and those who pretend or are said to be are either disoriented idiots or degenerate paranoids or motivated agents. This is easy to understand as there have never been ideologists, political ideologists or political scientists in the World History prior to Modern Times; but Modern Times are the period of worldwide deception which was incepted in order to precisely trigger the enslavement of the nations and the destruction of Human Life.
As Kemal Ataturk did not found an ideology-based state, what was later attributed to him as ‘kemalism’ hinges on particular interests to deform and alter his real practices. As a matter of fact, one of the six principles of Turkey, Halkçılık (which is not accurately translated as ‘Populism’ in English / the correct translation would be ‘rule by the people and for the people’) clearly opposes all ideologies.
People ruling their society need no -ism, no ideology. In fact, every -ism, every ideology is an intentional distortion of a self-ruled society, which occurs by introducing unnecessary and evil elites. Prior to the Modern Times, there were never ‘elites’, and every opposite claim is genuinely criminal, utterly fallacious, and historically false; it constitutes a premeditated misinterpretation of History. To this historical reality Kemal Ataturk ascribed himself.
I would rather translate Halkçılık as ‘People’s Sovereignty’; in this regard, every ideology, philosophical system, theoretical structure (of ethnic / racial, religious or political order) generated by an elite member (academic, scientist, philosopher, intellectual, etc.) automatically threatens people’s sovereignty and is therefore to be rejected. People’s sovereignty is incompatible with theories and ideas emitted by segregated individuals.
As a matter of fact, the translation of the six principles of Turkey with English words ending in – ism is sheer, if not deliberate, distortion and forceful alteration of the historical reality. This is so, because nouns ending in -ism in English are relevant of ideologies (conservatism, liberalism, etc).
Even worse, the entire phenomenon of Turkey’s foundation by Kemal Atatürk is fallaciously viewed by Western scholars in terms of a hypothetical, yet nonexistent, ideology: Kemalism. Kemalism never existed, because Kemal Atatürk was not a ‘philosopher’, did not compose an ‘ideology’, and never accepted ‘politics’.
It is therefore essential to understand that ideologies, political philosophies, and related systems derive from politics, but Kemal Atatürk did not use a word about ‘politics’, was not a ‘politician’, and – as I already said – never accepted or carried out politics. This is evident in the basic texts of the state that he founded and in his 19-year long practice of rule.
Many confuse Atatürk’s modernization of the social structures with a certain, nebulous, Westernization, but the fact that until Atatürk’s death Turkey had only one party speaks for itself. The Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi in the beginning was not a ‘political’ party; it was the organization of all Turks who were interested in participating in the effort of reconstruction of their land. This organization was actually set up in the Sivas Congress (4-11/9/1919), which was in fact the venue of a ‘movement’, namely the Türk Ulusal Hareketi (Turkish National Movement); it was later renamed as Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi.
The Western political concept of ‘ideological, political parties’ did not exist in the nascent state’s territories in 1919 and it was virulently prohibited in 1924. Now, you can read for yourself and, after identifying Wikipedia’s enormous distortions, get the correct meaning:
Politics is the focus of evil in modern societies, but politics lay far from Kemal Atatürk. Modern definitions of politics are part of the problem, as they try to shed confusion as regards the nature of politics. Example: ” Politics (from Greek: πολιτικά, translit. Politiká, meaning “affairs of the cities”) is the process of making decisions that apply to members of a group. It refers to achieving and exercising positions of governance—organized control over a human community, particularly a state. In modern nation-states, people have formed political parties to represent their ideas. They agree to take the same position on many issues and agree to support the same changes to law and the same leaders”. (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Politics)
This is entirely false; even the translation from Ancient Greek is wrong. It is not ‘the affairs of the cities’ but ‘the affair of the city’, and it means only a small city that was not organized as kingdom, because otherwise the city would be a ‘kingdom’ and would have no politics!
DEMOCRACY AND POLITICS STARTED IN MESOPOTAMIA
The ‘affair of the city’ did indeed appear as a form of non royal, social organization and administration in 4th millennium BCE Mesopotamia; this early democratic system of rule can be called ‘politics’ but it had no notion of today’s decayed and corrupt, inhuman politics. It lasted several hundreds of years among the Sumerian cities-states of Southern Mesopotamia, before the rise of priesthood and royalty put an end to it, by imposing the spiritual concept of Celestial Order among humans. This Primitive Democracy is very well documented by means of early Sumerian texts and archaeological evidence that shows total absence of palaces, temples and major buildings. One has to admit that the notion of ‘state’ was elementary in that period.
DEMOCRACY IN 2ND MILLENNIUM BCE ELAM – SOUTHERN TRANSTIGRITANE
Later on, ‘politics’ and ‘democracy’ appear again in the 2nd millennium BCE Mesopotamia and Transtigritane, long before the few ancient Greek cities-states that were not ruled by kings were organized as either oligarchies, tyrannies or democracies. When most of the world’s civilized countries were organized in universal empires and kingdoms that reflected the Celestial Order (Assyria, Babylonia, the Hittite Empire, the Hurrian kingdoms, Canaanite Ugarit, Pharaonic Egypt, the Cushitic Kerma kingdom, etc.), Elam (known as ‘Anshan and Sushan’ in Ancient Elamite, which was the local language, ‘Elam’ being the Assyrian-Babylonian appellation of that land) was ruled without kings for several hundreds of years. Ancient Elam was the earliest form of ancient state that was ruled by local, elected executive officers, known as the Sukkalmahhu (‘mayors’) and mainly documented in Assyrian – Babylonian texts (http://evariste.lefeuvre.free.fr/culture/elcoa/elam.htm).
DEMOCRACY IN 1ST MILLENNIUMBCE MEDITERRANEAN: A PJOENICIAN – CARTHAGINIAN INVENTION AND PRACTICE LONG BEFORE IT WAS EXPORTED AMONG GREEKS AND ROMANS
In the Mediterranean world, politics and democracy emerged first among the Phoenician colonies, Carthage, and the Carthaginian colonies of Western Mediterranean and Northwestern Africa; this is so because the Phoenician kings were located faraway to rule their colonies; a non royal form of self rule was then instituted. However, the Phoenicians and the Carthaginians impacted the Pelasgians, the Lycians, the Carians, the Ionians, the Aeolians, the Achaeans, the Dorians, the Caphthor – Cretans, the Sicilians, the Sardinians and other nations in Western Anatolia, South Balkans, the Italian Peninsula, and the islands of the Mediterranean. In all those lands, Phoenicians and Carthaginians diffused the basic notions of non royal rule and administration.
Kemal Atatürk understood quite well that Western politics (as practiced until his times) were a fraudulent fallacy, which by means of representatives usurped people’s sovereignty. That’s why in numerous cases he stated that Hakimiyet Kayıtsız Şartsız Milletindir (Sovereignty belongs unrestrictedly and unconditionally to the people/nation). Thence, the importance of halkçılık, people’s sovereignty.
To put it in simple words, Atatürk made of the people the Emperor of an Empire named Türkiye. This, quite unfortunately, was not evident to the so-called Kemalist friends of mine in Turkey, all those who evoked his name but thought and lived otherwise back in the 1990s.
B. The Real Meaning of the Six Principles of Kemal Ataturk’s State
How to render in English the six principles of Atatürk’s state?
Cumhuriyetçilik – it has to do with the Arabic word jumhur, ‘public’ or ‘majority’ (مذبح الجمهور / madhhab al-jumhur). This comes as opposition to both, the hereditary rule (monarchy) and the religious – spiritual rule. It is very wrong to call ‘republicanism’ this approach to state structure and to social organization; in reality, the correct translation of the term cumhuriyetçilik would be ‘public, not hereditary rule, and separation between public affairs and spirituality’. Turkey’s cumhuriyetçilik has very little to do with 18th – 20th c. Western republicanism.
Halkçılık – as already explained, this means ‘people’s sovereignty’.
Milliyetçilik – this principle has nothing to do with what is called ‘nationalism’ in Central and Western Europe and North America. In striking opposition to West European ideologies of racism, race superiority, chauvinism, and nationalism, in Turkey it was declared that Türkiye ahalisine, din ve ırk farkı gözetilmeksizin vatandaşlık itibarıyla Türk denilir (irrespective of religion and race differences, the population of Turkey is called Turkish as regards the citizenship).
The use of the term Milliyet in Atatürk’s Turkey and in the Ottoman Empire is completely different. In structural terms, this word of Persian origin (milliyet) was used by the founder of Turkey as the word Ummah was used in the very early periods of the Islamic Caliphate. It involves a supra-national community with a common history within the same state. And this was said explicitly: ‘ortak mazi, tarih, ahlak ve hukuk Türk milletini bir araya getiren değerlerdir’ (common past, history, morality and law are the values that bring together the Turkish nation). This has nothing to do with the evil notion of racial ethnic identity; it alludes to cultural ethnic identity.
So, milliyetçilik means literally ‘supra-national identity founded on land-based communal unity, shared historicity and integrity of cultural heritage’. This connotation does not exist anywhere outside Turkey, and this is not a concept particularity but full evidence of human superiority over the forces of darkness, division and evilness of today’s inhuman elites.
Few people understood that it was quite normal for a great mystic like Mustafa Kemal, who was neither a historian nor a philologist, to have this approach. The constituent elements of the state that he had already envisioned (as a successive form to the ailing Ottoman Empire) before 1919 had to encompass many ethnic groups. As a matter of fact, when Atatürk took full control of Turkey’s territory, it was still expected that more than a million ethnic ‘Greeks’ (i.e. Romioi – Rumlar) would be Turkish citizens in the future. It is the Greek side at the Lausanne Conference that came up with the proposal for the exchange of populations that took place between Turkey and Greece in 1923-1925.
Furthermore, this approach to a ‘supra-national identity founded on land-based communal unity, shared historicity and integrity of cultural heritage’ reflects perfectly well the Celestial Order of the Oriental Empires, which was the cornerstone of Rudolf von Sebottendorf’s universal vision of an Imperial State enshrined in individual spirituality and human welfare as per the Ancient Oriental Monarchical Model and the Assyrian Sargonid Originality.
Because the 20th century’s leading German hierophant, and mentor of Kemal Atatürk, Rudolf von Sebottendorf remains an unknown figure to most, truly few understand the uniqueness and the truthfulness of Turkey as a conscious supra-nation rightful heir of more than 20 Oriental and Occidental, northern and southern civilizations’ achievements and accomplishments. And this was eminently reflected in Kemal Atatürk’s practices, as he rejected Pan-Turkism and Turanism as improper falsifications able only to distort the historical reality and plunge Turkey into chaos.
Turkey was geared to be the total rejection of the fallacious and unhistorical, racist concept of racial purity, chauvinism, race superiority, skin color supremacy, colorism and all the associate, nonsensical and evil constructions.
One can therefore understand that Hitler’s Germany was at the very antipodes of Atatürk’s Turkey’s and this is due to the fact that the spiritual exercises and other practices, the evocations, the divine conceptualization, the revelations of the Sacred, the initiation rituals, the Spiritual Ontology, the Cosmology, the Moral Order, the Royal Art, the Weltanschauung, the historical contextualization, and the admonitions of imperial rule changed totally in the Thule Gesellschaft after the organization was taken over by Anglo-Saxon fake Masonry, Zionists and other Satanists.
Laiklik – this principle is falsely translated as either Secularism or Laicism. Although Wikipedia statement “it differs from the passive Anglo-American concept of secularism, but is similar to the concept of laïcité in France.” is correct to some extent, the basic definition is totally wrong: “Kemalist ideology aims to banish religious interference in government affairs”. There was no Kemalist ideology; more importantly, the practice was not only to just ‘banish religious interference in government affairs’, but to dissociate the social order from the Spirituality and the spiritual life of the people.
The concept does not affect only the government, the public administration or the state, but the entire society; it stipulates that the social life of the people is disconnected from their spiritual faith(s), religion(s) and cult(s). In fact, it makes of the faith of everyone a private affair and in doing so, it reflects the quintessence of all original faiths and religions, as per which ‘religion’ is the ‘direct connection between the human and God’, thus involving no intermediaries.
The use of word ‘laik’ in Modern Turkish must not lead to confusion with other notions and connotations; this word originates from Ancient Greek ‘laos’ which means people in opposition to ‘hierateion’ (the sacerdotal class). Since Turkey is the realm whereby Halkçılık prevails, there cannot be social classes and elites; and consequently, there cannot be priests, as they would form a separate class of their own.
Kemal Ataturk had studied History under the guidance of Rudolf von Sebottendorf, understood the realities of Muslim deviations throughout the centuries, and drawn the correct conclusion. In Early Islam, there was no priesthood at all; in fact, there must not be any priesthood in Islam; it is prohibited. The rise of the priestly class of sheikhs is the result of Islam’s deviation and Christianization, an attempt undertaken by the vicious, ignorant and barbaric pseudo-theologian Ahmed ibn Taimiyyah (13th-14th c.). Kemal Ataturk, by imposing Laiklik, solved the problem that brought down the Ottoman Empire.
It is clear that the writers, who composed the 1924 Constitutional Law, invented new words and terms in Turkish that did not exist during the Ottoman Empire. To do so, they had to be and they were actually resourceful. In fact, Halkçılık and Laiklik are the same word; what ‘halk’ means in Turkish is ‘laos’ in Greek (: people); what matters in this case is the new connotation that the writers of the 1924 Constitutional Law attributed to each word, under the guidance of Kemal Ataturk. And these new connotations fully reflect the practices that we attest in Atarurk’s times and not in later distortions or foreign uses. That’s why we cannot make any equation between ‘laiklik’ in Ataturk’s Turkey and ‘laïcité’ in France.
Devletçilik – this principle was monstrously misinterpreted by Kemal Ataturk’s renegades who were on the payroll of Western Freemasonic and Zionist nomenklatura, intelligentsia and apparatchiks. For numerous decades, these distorters of Kemal Ataturk’s evident practices used the meaning of this word (devletçilik) in order to portray the founder of Turkey as a defender of state-run economy, as a supporter of socioeconomic ideas related to Communism or Nazism, and as a pioneer of hydrocephalic bureaucracy. This falsehood finds its way with the false translation of devletçilik as ‘statism’.
The Turkish word state ‘devlet’ originates from the Farsi and Arabic words ‘Dowlah’, which also mean ‘state’. But as principle by which the new state’s function had to abide, devletçilik does not mean state-run economy or statism or prevalence of the state in every person’s daily life and economic activity.
In fact, Kemal Ataturk’s governmental practices during the period 1923-1938 clearly show the meaning of this word and the true connotation that the writers of the 1924 Constitutional Law attributed to it; they truly nationalized many companies. But they did so in order to restructure the companies and then they offered them to the private initiative. Kemal Ataturk was obviously against the idea of the state running the economy; but the state had to be there not to intervene but to rectify troubles, solve problems, eliminate clutter, and reinstate free market rules. As long as Kemal Ataturk was alive, there was no state interventionism in Turkey in the sense this term is used nowadays.
Devletçilik means therefore that the state umpires every time a need arises for this; this does not apply only to economy, but to justice, education and other aspects of social life as well.
Devrimcilik (or at times İnkılapçılık) – this principle should not be translated as ‘reformism’ in English, because this term is already heavily impacted ideologically and is therefore unrelated to the connotation attributed to it during Kemal Ataturk’s times. Devrim means ‘reform’ or ‘reformation’ in Turkish. İnkılap is a loan from Farsi and Arabic; it is often translated as ‘revolution’ but this is wrong. Revolution in Arabic is ‘thawrah’ (ثورة). Enqelab (انقلاب) means ‘coup’, ‘reverse’ or ‘upheaval’. In Farsi, the term was used for ‘Islamic revolution’ (انقلاب اسلامی) but this is a politically motivated use.
In Ataturk’s Turkey, both terms were used totally deprived of any related connotation; they actually meant ‘readiness for continuous updates in order to keep the pace with changes’; in this sense, one can associate the term with ‘reform’ but not as an idea or an ideological indoctrination, but as a practical necessity – whenever and wherever it appears.
Devrimcilik was then viewed as the total rejection of the Ottoman immobility, motionlessness and inability to adapt to the surrounding world’s changing realities and traits. In fact, in 15 years (1923-1938), Ataturk covered 400 years of Western changes and technological transformations, adapting the country to the 20th c. realities. It was the most resolute rejection of the silly sheikhs’ and idiotic imams’ attitude to keep the average people in permanently stagnant ignorance and darkness, detached from the realities of the world. But devrimcilik has nothing to do with an ideologized attitude and thoughtless reform (: corruption / degradation) of ideals and principles.
However, the above realities had already gone long before I first traveled to Turkey, let alone the time I moved to work there. The constitutions of 1961 and 1982 were written in total discordance with the basic principles of Kemal Ataturk’s Constitutions 1921 and (revised) 1924.
This in reality meant that back in the 1990s my Kemalist friends were trying to maintain Kemal Ataturk’s vision, principles, and heritage within a frame that does not allow this vision to exist, these principles to be implemented, and this heritage to be revered. The Turkish establishment after 1938 and notably after 1946, under Western pressure, introduced what could not be introduced in the state of Kemal Ataturk: multi-party elections.
This was not conform with the basic standards and principles of the Constitution and of Kemal Ataturk’s practices. Halkçılık (‘people’s sovereignty’) cannot coexist with the fallacy of multi-party elections. And the change was not a necessary update and reform or the state, but a sheer deviation to appease Western countries’ diplomats and politicians. In fact, multi-party elections, i.e. a masqueraded tyranny that institutes an evil elite against the people / nation, existed in several Western countries when Kemal Ataturk founded Turkey. If he considered that this element of the Western states’ structure and functions was necessary in nascent Turkey, he would introduce it as well. But he did not.
This was what back in the 1990s my friends among Turkey’s Kemalist establishment failed to assess in Kemal Atatürk’s vision of State.
C. Failure to accurately and integrally assess Kemal Atatürk’s vision of Turkey
Speaking about milliyetçilik in the previous unit, I made it clear that Kemal Ataturk, due to his spiritual master Rudolf von Sebottendorf, was at the very antipodes of the racist dimension of Nazism that prevailed in Germany after English Zionists and fake Freemasons usurped Thule Gesellschaft from its founder and forced Rudolf von Sebottendorf to escape to Turkey.
Contrarily to what most people believe or can imagine, racist crypto-Nazis are omnipresent today in the so-called Western European and North American administrations. Their racism brings misfortune to all; this is so because they diffuse fake versions of World History that are filled with racist considerations and falsehood.
Bloodlines do not exist in History; it is a fallacy and a vicious propaganda that causes wars, strives, bloodshed and destruction. Those who diffuse this propaganda do it always on purpose. Kemal Ataturk knew this reality and shaped Turkey on the sound and pertinent concept of ‘supra-national identity founded on land-based communal unity, shared historicity and integrity of cultural heritage’ (milliyetçilik).
This means that Kemal Ataturk viewed modern Turks as the true heirs of many nations, cultures and civilizations, including Ancient Mesopotamia, Caucasus, Anatolia, Balkans, and Central Asia. My good friend, the distinguished professor and academician Erol Manisali, still remembers my extensive analyses and even recently he referred to me (under my former Christian name) in a brilliant article published only last July:
“Anadolu kültürü “Pers’ten eski Roma’ya, Mezopotamya’dan Asya’ya bir sentezdir: Ben bir Sümer’im, Hitit’im, Doğu Roma’yım, Asya’yım ve Türk’üm”. Yunanlı dostum, 20 dil bilen Prof. Cosmos Megalommatis, “Klasik Uygarlığa Yeni Yaklaşımlar” başlığı altında 1980’li yıllardan beri yaptığı yayınlarda şunu söyler: “Avrupa’nın Roma ve Atina’ya oturttuğu ‘klasik uygarlık’ yanlıştır: Avrupa uygarlığı Mezopotamya’daki 20’den fazla uygarlığın bir sentezidir” tezini savunur.(*)
Atatürk’ün “tango”su ve “zeybek”i bu tezin vurucu bir özetidir. “Ne Mutlu Türküm Diyene” özdeyişi de aslında, Anadolu Türkiyesi’nin bir yansımasıdır. Çanakkale’de başlayıp Dumlupınar’da biten ve Lozan’da sonuçlanan emperyalizme karşı savaşta Anadolu insanının (ve kültürünün) binlerce yıldır biriken soluğu vardır“.
The article’s title is Atatürk’te zeybek, tango ve ‘yön’ (24 Temmuz 2018 – 24 July 2018) and the entire text is to be found here:
However, the problem with the Turkish Establishment back in the 1990s was that they did not know what it takes to lead a modern nation which is the true heir of many nations, cultures and civilizations, including Ancient Anatolia, Mesopotamia, Caucasus, Balkans, Russia and Central Asia. They had lost the real sense of History, and they thus could make long and eloquent discourses that did not correspond to the needs of Turkey’s
– educational and academic system
– educational – academic – cultural relations with a great number of states across Asia, Europe and Africa
– international position, and impact on the world
– basic targets of foreign policy
– obligation to outmaneuver other countries’ strategies that were in conflict with Turkey’s identity, international position, and impact on the world.
The above is a very summarized catalogue of Turkey’s academic inadequacies and disorientation. What Turkish professors used to teach at those days as History was a repetition of Western fallacies about the Orient, a dead corpus of facts and info, a boring list of numerous data with no evident connection with the present and the future. At those days, all Turks knew that they were in part the descendants of the Hittites; but not one professor explained to his students and general audience in what this affected them and what possibilities it gave them for the future – let alone how it could impact successfully Turkey’s present geopolitical situation and future aspirations.
Still, Kemal Ataturk’s vision of Turkey, as described in my analysis of the term milliyetçilik, is the epitome of World History, and of the Human Genius, as expressed throughout millennia on specific lands and parts of lands of which the Earth is composed. And this is the advice that I then gave to the Turkish Establishment.
III. The Advice that I gave to the Turkish Establishment
1. Not all the lands are equally important in terms of geographical determinism. The ‘holy’ lands matter most, but the lands that are nowadays publicized as ‘holy’ are not necessarily holy.
2. The present shape of the Earth is irrelevant and unimportant, because the antediluvian Earth was very different from what Earth appears to be now; this was part of the now reconstituted Ancient Mesopotamian and Anatolian wisdom, science and knowledge.
3. Mesopotamia and Anatolia constitute a geographical unity that represents the center of the surface of the Earth and the world’s most critical venues of Human History. In other words, History took place here and not elsewhere. Surrounding lands like Iran, Caucasus, Phoenicia, Palestine, Yemen and Arabia are only appendices to the Center of the Earth.
4. In antediluvian and postdiluvian times, the greatest and most genuine achievements of the Mankind in terms of Spirituality, Faith, Myth, Reflection, Identity, Integrity, Wisdom, Contemplation, Invention, and Enterprise were performed in this land.
5. This is the land whereby the most visionary among the humans contemplated on and reflected critical conditions and determinant situations antedating even the Creation of the Universe. This is a supreme, unique trait of Human Intelligence and Spirituality. There is indeed a line of Spirituality that links Enuma Elish, Adapa (Adam), Atrahasis, Sargon of Akkad, the Descent of Ishtar in the Nether World, the Sargonids of Nineveh, Jonah, Jesus, and Prophet Muhammad to the End Times’ rise of the Assyrians, upheaval, and termination of the postdiluvian fall. One can call it the Hand of God. And this Divine Intervention and line of Spirituality was well known to the founder of Modern Turkey – not without implications.
6. Modern Turkey’s interconnectedness with and inheritance of Sumer through the Ancient Assyrians is reflected in the History of Cappadocia and Northern Mesopotamia that are parts of Turkey’s territory.
7. The geographical unity of Mesopotamia and Anatolia empowered faiths and contemplations, religions and Weltanschauungen, explorers and entrepreneurs to radiate across Asia and Africa through the gradual formation of the land-, desert- and sea-routes of trade between the Earth’s most distant parts. The interchangeability of Silk-, Spice- and Perfume (Incense)- Roads became, thanks to Aramaeans, Turanians, and Yemenites, the way Iranian Mithraism moved from Central Asia to Sudan, to Rome to England, Manichaeism expanded from Atlantic to Pacific, and Buddhism, Nestorianism and Islam spread to China.
8. Human History is History of Land; there is no such thing as History of Sea. The Primordial Ocean of Soft Water as surrounding the Land of Paradise is the epitome of every Eschatology from the Anatolian Ullikummi to John’s Revelation; the salt water seas will cease to exist and therefore any consideration of them is immaterial for our times. Maritime powers live the last moments of their otherwise worthless existence and barbaric activities.
9. In the aftermath of four millennia of human interaction, exploration, inventiveness, adaptability, cultural exchange, and economic enterprise across the geographical lines that link Anatolia – Mesopotamia
a) through Central Asia with China
b) through Iran with India and Indonesia
c) through the Balkans with the Western Asiatic peninsula of Europe,
today’s Turkey is the indispensable central ring in the process of re-establishing the Oriental Celestial Order, Human Unity, and Spiritual Universality. This has nothing to do with the much publicized but trivial globalization. What truly matters is what comes after the short-lived globalization ends.
10. Kemal Ataturk’s emblematic sentence ‘Yurtta Sulh, Cihanda Sulh’ (Peace at Home, Peace in the World) not only reflects the identical interests Turkey has with China and Germany, but also imposes explicit, resolute and precipitated disconnection from and opposition to US, UK, France and NATO.
11. Promoting full interoperability between Ankara and Beijing will help Turkey trigger developments in Iran, Russia and Central Asia in full concordance with the interests of China, and of the New Germany that will rise after the disintegration of the European Union and the implosion of the US and UK. Post-Qajar Iran was never the empire that it had been; either monarchical or ‘theocratic’, it is now about to get decomposed and this development will be essential for Turkey to exploit if not trigger. Similarly, new dynamics that are about to be shaped in the lands controlled by the unraveling Kremlin tyranny have to be taken into consideration in Ankara and duly supported. The sun rises in the same way above Turkey and Yakutia.
12. Exporting Kemal Ataturk’s model to China’s Eastern Turkestan (Sinkiang) will be another result of Ankara’s engagement with The Belt and Road Initiative (One Belt One Road – OBOR) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). It is essential for Turks to let the Chinese understand, as Kemal Ataturk realized before 100 years, that modern political Islamic movements do not represent the Islamic Heritage, the Islamic History, and the Muslims in their quasi-totality; they are an alien fabrication of the now collapsing, Zionist and Apostate Freemasonic Western elites. Islam was part of China’s past and it will be part of China’s future, if Beijing intends to carry out its engagement and to rise as the world’s sole superpower. Re-education of the Chinese Muslims in full promotion of Kemal Ataturk’s standards, principles and practices and in full rejection of Political Islam and Wahhabism is the designated method.
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